Uniting Church and State by John S. Wightman

Review and Herald Publishing Association · Takoma Park Station, Washington, D. C. · Jun 18, 1908

Uniting Church and State

By John S. Wightman

THE fact that the One Hundred Twentieth General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of the United States of America—the largest and most influential gathering in its history—at Kansas City, Mo., May 21-31, without a dissenting voice approved of the course of Judge W. H. Wallace in his Sunday-closing campaign, referred to him as “the greatest judge in the United States,” and fully indorsed the Sunday-closing movement, and asked for strict legal Sunday observance everywhere, should cause observers of the seventh-day Sabbath no little concern.

The doings of this great assembly, taken altogether, are a stupendous object-lesson of the spirit of the times, indicative of what may be expected, when, according to prophecy, the church shall again have control of the reins of government, and direct the civic and religious affairs of a nation.

I wish the readers of the REVIEW might have been able to attend the sessions of this Presbyterian Assembly, as I have done. Church and state, by their respective representatives, came together upon the same platform, and spoke unitedly and with power for the same objects; chief of which, above all others, was that of compulsory civil-sabbath observance.

Governor Folk, the mayor of Kansas City, Judge Wallace and other judges, leaders of the American Federation of Labor, bishops, and laymen,—these, one and all, presented the same trend of thought: the state must legislate upon the great moral questions for which the church stands.

Religious legislation, in short, is what is demanded. Men who do not grant this demand will be debarred from civic positions; those who do not promise acquiescence in the plan of “making men good by law,” will be prevented from securing public office. And it is as obvious as the things stated, that the new federation of the Presbyterian Church is a mighty power with which government will soon be obliged to reckon. “Political corruption is destroying love of justice and regard for truth, and in order to secure public favor, legislators will yield to the popular demand for Sunday observance.”

In an address in a public meeting in one of the churches, presided over by Dr. Stanley, secretary of the American Sabbath Union, Judge Wallace launched out in a tirade against the “so-called religious-liberty men.” Religious liberty was not license to do just as one pleased, for this was a Christian nation; it had been so decided by the highest judicial authority in the land; and Sabbath observance, therefore, is right, and should be enforced by law. The Constitution recognizes Sunday in providing that the President may sign or veto a bill on any day, Sunday excepted, etc., etc.

Such statements are alarming. Though so entirely un-American, so contrary to well-established principles of justice and right, and withal so unchristian, the vast audiences cheered and vociferously applauded the remarks,—an apologetic defense of religious intolerance and bigotry!

Where will all this end? Alone in the repetition of the persecuting work of dark and medieval days. Persecution is inevitable; it is bound to come to the small minority who “keep the commandments of God; and the faith of Jesus.” Increasing bigotry and intolerance, the collectivism of the age, has taken another long stride toward the goal of ultimate success. “Every enemy of the sabbath [Sunday] is an enemy of God,” says the One Hundred Twentieth General Assembly. Those who do not receive the Sunday as a Christian civil institution will be universally regarded as the enemies of public order and good government, and dealt with accordingly.

For half a century the spirit of prophecy has been pointing to the inevitable result of the co-operation of the dignitaries of church and state, in the enforcement of religious institutions. The crisis is not so far away. Soon, with the crushing force of an avalanche from the Alpine peaks, will Romish principles of custom and law come to us. Who will be able to stand? It will require more than human strength to stand in the hour of trial that shall come upon “all the world.”

In view of all this, with solemn reconsideration of our position, what should be the attitude toward the religious liberty work? Should we be listless, diffident, uninterested? or intensely alive to the situation? At the camp-meetings of this year, 1908, what can we do, under God, toward enlarging the sphere, increasing the influence, discovering the possibilities, of the religious liberty message?

Let us pray God that he may guide us to a better understanding of this great world-wide task allotted us.

JOHN S. WIGHTMAN.