Rome—the Unsolved Question.
“The world is giving way,” remarked the Pope’s Minister, ANTONELLI, recently, when he heard that the Emperor of Austria had been compelled to give up Venetia. Standing in the center of the world and by the side of the Pope, the distinguished Cardinal has certainly an opportunity of forming an opinion on the subject more nearly correct than that of ordinary mortals. We may, however, though standing on the outskirts of the earth, be allowed to agree with the Cardinal at least as to the world in which he moves and plays his part. It is giving way, beyond a question. The French troops are, by the treaty, to be withdrawn from Rome next month. After that—what? What but the end of things? Can Rome stand? Can the Temporal Power continue to exist? They are the pillars on which it has been supported; and though, in taking them away, provision be made for new props, is there not danger in the change, and doubt as to the strength and durability of the new arrangement? But will the Emperor withdraw his troops from the support of the Pope? Will he not find some pretext for retaining them, or will he not seek for some substitute, or attempt to secure for his Holiness guarantees which will amount to the same thing as if the French troops were retained in Rome? The Emperor has kept to the terms and conditions of the treaty thus far, and there is no reason to believe that he will fail to consummate its provisions at the specified time. Had Italy been so foolish as to quarrel with him in regard to the cession of Venetia, a different face might have been put on things; but as matters now stand, in regard to all points in which the two Powers are jointly interested, and in regard to the general relations of France with Europe, we see no ground for a desire on the Emperor’s part of departing in the least from the terms of the treaty, or of delaying a day in carrying out effectually its stipulations. It is possible that in withdrawing, the Emperor will attempt to hold Italy to the agreement not to interfere by force of arms in the affairs of the States of the Church, nor to foment any revolutionary movements among the Roman people themselves; but it is not unlikely that in the present state of affairs Italy will be able to make liberal terms even on these points, and not be compelled to forego taking advantage of such contingencies as may arise in the future. The prostration of Austria is undoubtedly the severest blow the Papacy has yet received—worse than that which enabled VICTOR EMANUEL to remove his throne from Turin to Florence. Austria was really the only first-class power in Europe which could be firmly relied on to support the Temporal Power in its critical hour. England, Prussia, and Russia are out of the question, as well as out of the pale of the Church. France has been a friend, after a fashion, hitherto; but can either man or Pope have a straight-forward reliance upon LOUIS NAPOLEON? As for the minor Catholic Powers, like Spain or Belgium, they simply could not count at all in this case. But Austria, in the forefront of the great Powers, and looked up to by all the minor Catholic States, was altogether and always to be trusted in for upholding the Papal authority, and moreover was always as willing to give proof of her faith as she was stiff in maintaining it. She had also a hereditary fondness for interfering in Italian affairs, and keeping them in such shape as suited her interests and principles. She was ready and eager to take the place of France in Rome upon the withdrawal of French troops; and there is no doubt that the Papal Government would vastly have preferred an Austrian to a French garrison. But now the most reliable and strongest of the Catholic Powers and the Pope’s friends is not only prone before her great Protestant enemy, Prussia, but has been rendered powerless to interfere in Italy, and by the cession of Venetia, has given up her hold on Italian soil. Her intrigues in that quarter are over, so far as they can be considered of any effect, and neither exiled Prince nor tottering Pope need longer look to her for assistance. It was doubtless in view of these things, and the prospects arising therefrom, that ANTONELLI felt the “world to be giving way.” If a general European Conference or Congress should be convened—as probably will be the case—Italy will doubtless press her claims there for a definite and acceptable settlement of the Roman question. Venetia she has, and everything else she can rightly demand, except Rome. And Rome she cannot do without. Her claims would be supported by Prussia, by England and by Russia. Austria might oppose, and France be inclined to chaffer; but the expiration of the treaty to maintain a French force in Rome makes the way easy for the withdrawal of France from all further interference in Italian affairs.—N. Y. Times.