Untitled article | AdventAI

The Seventh-day Adventist Publishing Association · Battle Creek, Mich. · Third-day, September 24, 1867

FromAdvent Review and Sabbath Herald, Vol. XXX, No. 15

Russia and Turkey.

If we give full credit to the cable dispatch from Constantinople, in regard to the demands of Russia on the Government of the Sultan, it would seem that a European war is imminent. We are told that the Russian Ambassador “has presented to the Porte another note of his Government, which demands the cession of Crete to Greece and the full equality of Christians and Mahommedans in all the Provinces of Turkey. The demand is declared to be the ultimatum of Russia, and an answer is asked within ten days.” The correspondent adds what is sufficiently apparent, if his dispatch is true, that “in diplomatic circles war is regarded as almost inevitable.” Such a note could have but one purpose, nor receive but one construction. It forces the Turkish Government either to make concessions too humiliating to be even discussed, or to prepare to defend itself against the formidable power that makes these demands. There is no other alternative, unless the Czar shall recede from his haughty propositions, as he certainly will not, if they have been actually submitted to the Porte in the form and language described. It would seem that the Czar has determined now to carry out the traditional policy of the Russian Empire in regard to Turkey. And he has managed, in this matter, to commence his quarrel in behalf of a cause and a people that have enlisted the strong sympathies of the civilized world, not less by the unsurpassed bravery displayed than by the barbarous cruelties perpetrated by their enemies. These cruelties, so unnecessary, so akin to the ages of savage barbarity, so utterly brutal and fiendish, have awakened in the minds of all humane men, a hatred and detestation of Turkish institutions and of the Turkish Government, never before surpassed, not in the struggle of Greece for her freedom, or even in the Crusades. The Autocrat of the Russians therefore strikes at a most auspicious moment. He carries with him at once the gratitude and moral support of enlightened men everywhere; he espouses a cause most dear to every friend of Christianity and freedom, and in doing so assails a power whose complete extermination would just now be regarded on all hands as a most righteous retribution.

It is certain that Alexander has not taken this decisive step without a good understanding with Prussia. France and Austria, if not in actual alliance, have an equally good understanding, and the beginning of hostilities against Turkey may be the signal for that terrible conflict for which both Napoleon and Bismark have never ceased to prepare with all their might, however strong their protestations of a fixed purpose to remain at peace. The French Minister of Foreign Affairs attempted to explain away the Conference at Salzburg; but since that Conference the Austrian press has assumed a bold, almost defiant tone toward Prussia, quite new to it. It tells us what Austria will and will not tolerate, as determinedly as though there had been no battle of Sadowa. It is stated also, that while at Salzburg, the Emperor Napoleon gave orders by which large numbers of French troops are concentrating on the frontier, where they will “be handy to have” in the event of war with Prussia. A war between Russia and Prussia on the one hand, and France, Austria and Turkey on the other, will be fraught with the direst evils to Europe and the world. Unless checked by diplomacy, it would surpass in magnitude all the wars of modern times, and result in wide-spread destruction and misery, from the contemplation of which one shrinks back appalled. Yet it is evident that in the beginning of the contest, at least, the Northern allies will have the advantage of the moral sympathies of mankind, since France and Austria will stand as the allies of the Turk against the struggling Cretans. What position Italy will assume, should this direful struggle take place, seems at present altogether uncertain. Her attachment to the Emperor

of France has been a good deal shaken by her impatience to possess the city of Rome. She believes that Napoleon still supports the Papal pretensions, and is the actual protector of the temporal power of the Pope. Such a war as now seems probable will doubtless afford Italy her long-coveted opportunity, whether or not she shall take part in the conflict?