Untitled article | AdventAI

The Seventh-day Adventist Publishing Association · Battle Creek, Mich. · Third-day, November 12, 1867

The Roman Question.

The French troops have ere this taken possession of the Papal States, and the Garibaldian revolution may be considered as at an end for the present. But the French protectorate can only be temporary. The Papal throne cannot be upheld except by external aid, and may therefore be regarded as virtually at an end. French protection cannot be continued; a throne dependent upon it has but a frail existence, and must fall. Italy may be overpowered by France, but the very fact that it is so only renders the Papal government more obnoxious to the populace. The Papal government presents the anomalous condition of having no effective Roman or Italian support. Its military force is chiefly foreign, either mercenaries or volunteers, who do not even speak Italian. The presence of such a soldiery is of itself enough to create popular discontent. The Pope dare not entrust his person to the protection of his subjects, or of his countrymen, and persists in attempting to rule and govern the only spot of earth where he is in danger of assassination. Outside of his own States he would need no military force to protect his person; within his own State he is threatened with assassination in every form. In Rome he does not celebrate the mysteries of the altar without precautions against poison in the chalice; outside of Rome, or divested of his temporal power, he would be as safe as the humblest of his clergy.

The French government, in explanation of the recent intervention, declares it is merely provisional until such time as there can be a convention of the Great Powers to make a definite settlement of the Roman question. Who are the Great Powers that are to decide upon the overthrow or permanency of the Papal government? Are Prussia, England and Russia to be included? Is the Sultan to have a voice? Is it to be a conference exclusively of Catholic sovereigns—Italy, Spain, Austria, France and Portugal? These may resolve that the Pope abandon his government, and surrender it to Italy, in which case the world will accept it; but if they decide that the Pope is to remain temporal Prince of the States of the Church, what guarantee can they give that their judgment will be respected? The Italian government cannot expect to live after becoming a party to such a compact, and any attempt by the others to coerce Italy may cause a war that neither Austria, Spain or Portugal is in any condition to engage in. In fact, the tenure by which the Pope retains his power is frail, but hardly more so than that of France, Austria or Spain. The death of Napoleon will see a new and an anti-Papal dynasty in France. Spain has hardly strength enough to suppress rebellion and discord at home, and a revolution in France will be the signal for another in Spain that will expel the Bourbon Queen. Austria has work enough for the present generation in consolidating its diverse peoples and in liberalizing its own constitution. The separation of Church and State is now the all-engrossing work of reform in Austria, and a war to force the union of Church and State upon the Italians will hardly be popular.

A conference, such as proposed, can only end in demanding the abdication of the Pope, or in an invitation to a general war, in which the spirit of revolution will exercise a commanding power.—Chicago Tribune.