Untitled article by J. W. Scoles.

Pacific Press Publishing Company · New York · June 2, 1892

FromThe American Sentinel, Vol. 7, No. 22

Theory vs. Practice.

By J. W. Scoles.

ONE of the stock arguments used by those who advocate Sunday laws from a so-called “civil” standpoint, is to the effect that large numbers of workingmen are “compelled” to labor on Sunday, to the great detriment of their health, and therefore need a law freeing them from “Sunday slavery,” as these religio-political enthusiasts style it.

This is paternalism, pure and simple, and if carried out, would make slaves indeed of those who are now free. All the compulsion that can possibly be brought into the case as it now stands, can not force a man to labor on Sunday against his own will. It rests entirely with himself to say whether he will or will not work, either on Sunday or any other day for that matter.

But let a law be passed, forbidding labor on Sunday, and what then becomes of his freedom of will? It has passed out of his keeping entirely, at least so far as Sunday is concerned. Thenceforward he has no choice in the matter whatever, but must rest whether he desires to or not. Between the two evils of compulsory work and compulsory rest, we would personally most certainly choose the former, especially in view of the fact that the “compulsion” in regard to work exists only in name, while a law for Sunday rest, once secured, would, according to its advocates themselves, be enforced with all the zeal and tyranny that blinded bigots have used in enforcing similar laws in the past.

As far as the question of healthfulness of Sunday work is concerned, it need only be said that it is not within the province of the civil law to decide when any individual is injuring his health by overwork. Thousands of men all over the land are allowing their business cares to so prey upon their mind that they are growing prematurely old; others are so overtaxing themselves in various ways that they are cutting off years from their lives. And yet the law takes no notice of these cases. Nor should it, even were they to be multiplied a thousand times over, for the very simple, yet sufficient reason, that civil government is not ordained for the regulation of such matters. Whenever any secular government leaves its legitimate work, to tamper with matters of personal liberty (Sunday laws included), it ceases to be pure government and becomes paternal government instead.

But let us notice a little further, the claim so frequently made that Sunday labor is injurious to health, etc. The writer lives but a short distance from a city in which is located a manufacturing company operating two large blast furnaces which require the labor of more than a thousand men, and is run day and night the year round. Much of the work is necessarily very heavy, and here, if anywhere, a man's health would break down, surely, under the additional burden of Sunday labor. And yet, justice compels the statement that seldom is seen a more robust and hearty assemblage of men than are engaged in work at this place.

In conversation with one of them, recently, he informed me that he had worked for the company nearly three years, and in that time had not suffered a day's illness. Not only so, but he stated that he had only been absent two days during the entire time. To my inquiry as to whether his was not an exceptional case, he replied that it was not, and said that there were scores of his fellow-workmen whose experience was similar to his own in this respect. Names in this incident might be given if necessary, but this is simply introduced to show the difference between the theories advanced by Sunday-law advocates and the actual practice of Sunday work.

The claim so often made that Sunday laws are necessary for the preservation of the public health is utterly false and entirely without foundation. The whole animus of such laws is clearly religious and nothing else, and is but a covert and poorly concealed attempt to throttle freedom of thought, and to repeat the baleful mistakes of the past, by an alliance of the civil with the religious power. Let the people beware of the first step!

J. W. SCOLES. Graysville, Tenn.