Untitled article

9%

Pacific Press Publishing Company · New York · June 23, 1892

FromThe American Sentinel, Vol. 7, No. 25

Read the full edition

The Republican Platform and the National League.

The Republican National Committee was urged to adopt the proposed Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, offered by the National League for the Protection of American Institutions, as a plank in the Republican platform.
The memorial to the committee claims that—
this Amendment has been introduced into the Fifty-second Congress, in both Houses, and is substantially in accord with a similar one proposed in 1876 by President Grant; introduced by Mr. Blaine, passed in the House by an overwhelming vote, and in the Senate by a majority of 28 to 16, lacking a few votes of the necessary two-thirds. This same proposition was indorsed by both the Democratic and Republican conventions of 1876, by twenty-one State conventions, and has received the autographic approval of over 250,000 prominent citizens in all parts of the country, ninety patriotic organizations, with a membership of 1,500,000 voters, and of a number of religious bodies, etc.
This is the anti-Roman Catholic constitutional amendment, and if adopted into the platform of the Republican Party would commit that party to a partisanship in religion. This is an extremely subtle movement to mingle religion with the politics of this Nation, and originates solely in the sectarian jealousy of the Roman Catholics felt by Protestant denominations, fanned into a flame by the success of the Roman Catholics in obtaining Government appropriations for Indian schools under their charge, and in some instances State favor for schools nominally public, but really parochial in character.
The constitutional amendment to which the Republican Party was asked to give its support is this:—
No State shall pass any law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or use its property or credit, or any money raised by taxation, or authorize either to be used for the purpose of founding, maintaining, or aiding by appropriation, payment for services, expenses, or otherwise, any church, religious denomination, or religious society, or any institution, society, or undertaking which is wholly, or in part, under sectarian or ecclesiastical control.
The first phrase of this amendment is not offered in good faith, for the principle there affirmed, has been, and is continually, denied by those who drew and present the article. They, themselves, declare that the effect of the proposed amendment is intended to be restricted tothe rendering of financial aid by the Government to organizations falling under their definition of sectarian. They would earnestly deny that it prohibited the Government, either State or national, from promoting the interests of the Christian religion by legislation.
The Republican platform did not contain such a clause as that asked, unless this can be so construed:—
We declare anew our devotion to liberty of thought and conscience, of speech and press, and approve all agencies and instrumentalities which contribute to the education of the children of the land, but while insisting upon the fullest measure of religious liberty, we are opposed to any union of Church and State.
It may be found, upon analysis, quite difficult to obtain any definite meaning from this clause, but perhaps that was the intention with which it was drawn; the intent of diplomatic language, Talleyrand says, is to conceal thought. W. H. M.