Vain Assumptions and Idle Speculations by F. M. W.

Review and Herald Publishing Association · Takoma Park Station, Washington, D. C. · Sep 10, 1914

Vain Assumptions and Idle Speculations

By F. M. W.

In the September number of the Bible Magazine, there is found an excellent article under the heading “Where Shall Peace Be Found?” In this the editor reviews the arguments which some of the peace advocates have put forward as reasons why the world had passed beyond the stage of active conflict, and shows the manner in which these many theories have been exploded. We copy the larger part of the article:—

The reflective reader of history has found his mind returning again and again from the sensational features of the situation and from the immediate issues of conflict to the exploded theories, striking anomalies, contradictions, and surprises incident to the upheaval. Ever since the Franco-Prussian War peace lovers have been giving assurances of the unlikelihood of another great struggle among the nations representing Western civilization, assurances that had come to have almost axiomatic force. What now?

The doctrine of the brotherhood of man was advancing, they said; the world was becoming one; a great war would never come again. But the first shot sent race hatred to a white heat, and expressions of national pride became absurdly extravagant.

Modern civilization, we were told, was too far advanced to tolerate a great conflict. It was actually found less advanced than the preparations for war.

An international peace tribunal, housed in a magnificent peace temple at The Hague, surely marked a distinct stage in the peaceful adjustment of international disputes. Today it is even suggested that

this newly dedicated edifice be used as a military hospital.

But the masses were against war. Despite certain contrary tendencies, peace has never offered the private individual such opportunities as in this age. But it was presently realized that at least some rulers could hardly have incited more popular demands for war if they would, when Austria plainly insisted on humbling Servia. Mass meetings called to protest against bloodshed proved tame affairs.

Socialism, with its increasing power, would of course serve as a powerful deterrent. But patriotism in the socialist’s breast quickly smothered his sentiments for peace at any price.

The magnitude of international commerce must simply forbid such a disturbance of the world’s business, for were not the affairs of nations chiefly commercial today? Already international trade has lost its tens of millions, but its voice is scarcely heard in the uproar.

Since the world’s bankers controlled the “sinews of war,” without their permission armies could not make a hostile move. The armies moved first, and the bankers have been adjusting themselves to the situation as best they can.

But there was the balance of power, so completely developed since the Triple Alliance was paralleled by the Triple Entente. The balance was too nicely adjusted; the assassination of one man upset it all.

In the presence of such immense armies and armaments what government would dare to start a great conflict? But the burdened nations had come to feel that the only way to rid themselves of the intolerable weight was to settle the question of supremacy by war rather than by the never-ending strain and tension of costly preparation for it.

Solemn alliances and treaties between nations should weigh heavily against the opening of hostilities. What became of the Triple Alliance after Germany and Austria became involved with other powers? Did the opposing powers really believe it would hold together when the test came?

The neutrality of Belgium and of Luxemburg were additional factors on the side of peace. But the treaties that guaranteed the security of these small states proved as frail as the paper on which they were spread.

The explosion of these peace theories will by no means dishearten the advocates of peace. They will continue their agitation to the end of time. It may be that their agitation will succeed in the end. We cannot predict with confidence the outcome of the present struggle. We do not know whether this war will drag along until it finally ends in Armageddon, or whether there will be for a time a cessation of hostilities. Probably the latter. This would seem indicated by the prophecy found in the second chapter of Isaiah.

Just how universal peace will be brought about we cannot say. Treaty alliances will doubtless play their part. The pressure brought to bear by federated Christianity will have its influence. By this siren song of peace the world will be lulled into carnal security. Apostate Christianity itself will declare, “I sit a queen, and am no widow, and shall see no sorrow.”

But the day of peace is of short duration. Upon the world and upon the church that has forsaken him the wrath of God will fall. “Therefore shall her plagues come in one day, death, and mourning, and famine.” The nations of men will come together in the last great conflict—the battle of Armageddon. The wrath of God will fall upon a guilty world. The nations of earth will be broken in pieces. Then the universal reign of peace will be ushered in; but this peace will not come through arbitration or international treaties. It will come after the wicked nations of earth have been destroyed, and every discordant element removed from the universe of God. Then he whose scepter is peace shall reign over a righteous nation and a holy people and a sin-free universe.

From a review of the vain assumptions and idle speculations regarding peace, the editor of the Bible Magazine passes to a consideration of the present aspect of the great European controversy:—

Yet the amazing aspect of the situation does not end with such a collapse of hopes. The alignments in this war are so unhistorical, so artificial, so lacking in elements of political, commercial, and military permanency, so marked by conflicting policies, that already the forecasters are telling us that one or more struggles must succeed this one for the sake of making a more lasting adjustment. We see the great Teutonic race divided against itself, enlightened England fighting against her German cousins on the side of the great Slav empire, her own rival in Asia. England and France, ancient and natural rivals, march side by side into Belgium toward some sort of Waterloo. Protestant nation wars against Protestant, and Catholic nation against Catholic. Speculate as you will upon the issue of this war, if history can teach anything, what chance has abiding peace in such alliances as these?

Speaking of the conditions which create war, this editor continues:—

War does not create itself; the fever seizes the patient because the disease is in the system. Nor do armies necessarily precipitate it; peace can no more be assured by disbanding modern armies than crime can be abolished by dismissing the police force. Destroy the latest military equipments, and angry nations would revert to clubs and stones in the hands of mobs rather than yield to obnoxious conditions of peace. Races cannot be ordered by a court to lay aside inherent antagonisms. While there is collective, as well as individual, selfishness, pride, arrogance, ambition, ignorance, and brutality in the world, contention and strife will follow between hostile races and states.

Will the nations of men ever arrive at a state of lasting peace? Replying to this, the editor justly concludes:—

The world will never reach lasting peace, save through the Prince of Peace. There is no assurance in divine revelation or in human annals that man alone and unaided will ever solve the stupendous problem of saving humanity from the violence of its own passions. The social seer may have his dreams of human brotherhood, and the poet may sing of the furled battle flags,—and we believe with them that these things are yet to be,—but the realization of such hopes will appear only with that absolute monarchy wherein he whose right it is shall reign in reality upon this earth.

F. M. W.