The World's Unrest by Francis M. Wilcox

Review and Herald Publishing Association · Tacoma Park Station, Washington, D. C. · Oct 19, 1911

The World's Unrest

By Francis M. Wilcox

We have reached strenuous and critical times in the world's history. Particularly is this true in political affairs, where every movement of every nation is watched with jealous and critical eyes by its fellows. International questions present rapidly changing kaleidoscopic views, shifting the interest in quick succession from country to country and continent to continent. Threatened civil war in Mexico, with a massing of United States troops on the border, prepared, if necessary, for intervention; the great social and class conflict in England, followed a little later with a national commercial war; strained relations between Germany and France, reaching apparently almost the breaking point; and at the present time the hostile relations existing between Italy and Turkey,—these are but some of the stirring questions upon which great interest has centered during the last few months.

We know not what a day may bring forth. Every issue of the daily newspaper, in startling head-lines, announces some new sensation. Intensity fills the very atmosphere; it has taken possession of the hearts of men. Passion is supplanting reason; calm, unimpassioned thought is giving place to caprice and fitful impulse.

Speaking of this condition of affairs in the world at the present time, the United Presbyterian of October 5, says:—

Violence is on the increase. Public sentiment is becoming more tolerant of outbursts of passion and violations of law and order,—not only more tolerant, but more approving. Even when the most outrageous acts are committed, and men are hanged or shot, or even burned, there is little more than a passing expression of horror, with much indifference or a scarcely suppressed approval. No one is taken by surprise when strikers become a violent mob, destroying property and killing men. It appears to be assumed that violence is recognized as a legitimate weapon.

In cases of crime, passion burns with fury, and the mob becomes the judge and the executioner, it may be, with most barbarous violence; but public sentiment, horrified though it may be, contents itself with indifference, even making apologies for the mob by the easy-going declaration that the victim deserved it. Not long ago lynching was supposed to be peculiar to some of the Southern States, but now it has become a national crime, committed, defended, or apologized for, in sections where we most expect good order and safety. Pennsylvania can not cry out against Texas, for human passion is as violent in its bounds, and public sentiment as tolerant, as in the supposed most lawless parts. The flames of three bonfires of men have scarcely died out, but already the horrid scenes seem to be losing their effect, and the leaden feet of justice delay their coming. We do not speak too strongly when we say that lynching is coming to be recognized as justifiable and right. In a word, the mob is enthroned with but little effective protest.

This means the rule of anarchy, the destruction of law and right, the rule of violent passions. The public condone the crime. When the Coatesville horror was committed, it was commonly spoken of as a reproach, a blot on our fair name; the crime of it, the terrible crime, was little spoken of. We have reached that point at which the better conscience must be awakened, and must effectively express itself.

Similarly the New York Weekly Witness of September 27 speaks of the general spirit of unrest and instability existing in some of the nations of the Old World:—

Not since 1848 has Europe been so distracted by economic and political unrest as it is to-day. The ferment of popular discontent is not merely local or national, but is common to many countries, spreading beyond boundaries and passing from one capital to another.

Behind the sudden outbreak of strikes throughout Spain appears to be an organized

revolutionary movement. The government has been forced to meet it by suspending the constitutional guaranties, which is equivalent to declaring martial law. Neighboring Portugal, since the overthrow of the monarchy, has been in a state of constant turmoil, which at moments has rendered the existence of the republic precarious.

Hardly have the dock and railway strikes been settled in England than Ireland is visited by a railway strike that ties up traffic and increases the prices of foodstuffs.

As the result of the dear-food riots of last Sunday, Vienna is under martial law for the first time in sixty years. In the poorer quarter business is suspended. In Budapest there have been riots, and street fighting between the mobs and the police.

In France, after a year of dock and railway strikes that demoralized trade, a score of cities in the north have been the scene of food riots. After a season of severe drought and crop failure, the rising cost of living to the working classes is the most serious question of the day in France, Germany, and Austria. Germany has so far escaped similar disturbances; but as the national elections approach, the high price of food to the poor is bound to have important political effects. The growing strength of the Socialists has long been cause for great alarm to the ruling class. . . . The present unrest is too violent and wide-spread to be treated merely as a passing incident.

The Brooklyn Eagle emphasizes the far-reaching significance of the present unrest by pointing out some of the causes which have produced it:—

When the traditional calm of the most beautiful city in Europe is broken by “bread-riot” mobs two hundred thousand strong, and volleys are fired into such mobs and hundreds wounded, it is not merely Vienna, and not merely the Austrian government, that feels the shock. Bread riots, if they are genuine, are not quelled by shot and shell. Real starvation is reckless. One can die no harder death.

Such riots have been reported within the past two months, from points in Italy, and points in Spain, and points in Portugal, and points in France. The Social Democrats of Germany are emphasizing the high prices of food in appeals to a public that knows how high prices are. The great strikes in England have their real inspiration in the same conditions. And, even in the United States, where things are not quite so bad, it is more and more evident that the thought nearest to the minds of voters is the excessive cost of foods.

Everywhere excessive cost of government is an element in the situation. Without any great military establishment, the cost of the government of the United States is approximately two million dollars a day. And in every European country, whether republic or monarchy, the cost of government is greater in proportion to the resources of the taxpayers.

But back of this is another cause of universal bearing, the lessening of per capita production of foods. Statistics are incomplete, but sufficient for a general conclusion. More farming, better farming, is needed everywhere. On this depends the feeding of the world's masses. And on this depends in the last analysis the preservation of government and the public order in every civilized country. Nobody can reason with a man when he and his family are starving. All revolutionary movements can be placated or crushed, save those in which actual hunger is the moving cause. These defy logic and defy bullets. Desperation is insuperable.

Other journals make similar note regarding this state of unrest. The Lutheran of October 5, speaks of European conditions in the following words:—

Not since the great revolutionary year of 1848 has Europe been in such a state of ferment and unrest as to-day. One of the chief differences between that memorable year and the present is that in 1848 the revolt was political; it was an uprising against absolutism in government, whereas to-day it is economical or industrial; it is a rising against living conditions, against high prices and low wages. Within the last few weeks there have been serious strike riots in England, Ireland, France, Spain, and Austria, while at the same time the war-cloud seems to hang over Italy, Turkey, Germany, and France.

Well we may ask, as does the Lutheran, ‘What will be the outcome?’ No scheme of political economy, no philosophy of human government, will be able to provide a solution or a remedy.

The portent of these conditions we can only understand in the light of the prophetic word. Nor will these conditions materially improve; the great war between contending elements of capital and labor will be waged till the end of time. The sea of human emotion will grow more turbulent; more and more will passion and impulse and misrule bear sway. These conditions are unmistakable signs that we are living in the last days of earth's history. Sin is doing its baneful work; the only solution will be found in the coming of the Lord Jesus. Joel 3:9-16; James 5:1-8; Luke 17:26-30.

In such times as these, times so pregnant with intensity, excitement, and sensation, when thousands are losing their balance in life and the calm and peace of heaven from their hearts, the followers of the Master need to be on their guard. If we are not careful, we shall be swept away from our moorings out into the great sea of the world's unrest. We shall be filled with the spirit of the age, and forgetting God, plunge into the seething vortex of worldly pursuit which has engulfed the multitudes. We need to watch unto prayer; we need to study the blessed Word, and cultivate a closer communion with our divine Master. He has promised us his peace in the time of trial and disquietude. Let us take hold of the power from above, and not be governed by the power from beneath.

F. M. W.