A Mighty Movement—A Strong Purpose

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Review and Herald Publishing Association · Tacoma Park Station, Washington, D.C. · Aug 8, 1907

FromReview and Herald, Vol. 84, No. 32.

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A Mighty Movement—A Strong Purpose

The first business meeting of the American Federation of Catholic Societies at Indianapolis, Ind., occurred on the morning of July 15 at the headquarters of the convention, the assembly hall of the Claypool Hotel. The principal items of business on this occasion were the reading of the annual reports of the national president and the national secretary.
While waiting for the report of a committee, just before the reading of these reports, Archbishop Messmer, of Milwaukee, gave a short impromptu address upon the aims of the Federation. In this address it was made clear that the purpose of this Federation was power to enforce demands. He said: “Until we had the American Federation of Catholic Societies, we had no complete, whole body of Catholics that might come before the American people as a representative body of its Catholic citizens. If we can succeed in making every American Catholic conscious of the duty that he owes to his holy religion as a citizen and member of the church, and make him consciousof the power that he can wield if he will, then we can accomplish great things. Unless we are conscious of that power, and fully realize the duty we have to perform, we can never succeed.”
The deep underlying purpose of this youthful but powerful organization was clearly revealed in this statement of the archbishop’s. The Catholic laity is to be made conscious of their power; and the purpose of making them conscious of their power is that they may use that power at the behest of the Catholic priesthood to force the acquiescence of the government in any demands which that church may make. This was shown a number of times during the convention, when different speakers declared the purposes of the organization and its determination to “secure its rights.”
The national president, Edward Feeney, stated in his annual report that “Federation has passed the experimental stage, and must now be recognized as one of the great forces of the nation, laboring for the religious, social, and moral conditions of all the people, as well as for the interests of our holy mother church, and our coreligionists. Our dream of Catholic unity will soon be realized.”
The president admitted that there was “only the remotest chance that religion would ever be interfered with in this country.” By that he meant that Catholic religion would not be interfered with here. In view of that fact, the writer wondered why such stress was laid upon the necessity of federation; but it was made clear by the president’s following statement: “We ask no favor of any man, only that our rights before the law in equity be recognized.” Among those “rights,” which they claim, is the right to a division of the public school fund; and from a paragraph in the report of the national secretary, it is evident that they design to turn the force of the Federation upon the securing of that “right.” Instead of taking joyfully the spoiling of their goods (if they are being spoiled); instead of giving the cloak also to the man who demands the coat; instead of turning the other cheek to the smiter to have that smitten also, this mighty organization proposes to see to it that its goods are not spoiled; that neither coat nor cloak is given without adequate compensation; and that not even one of its cheeks be smitten.
“Federation,” said the president, “is bigger than any Catholic society. It is working hand in hand with the clergy for the advancement of the Catholic Church, and incidentally for all the people. We propose to co-operate with our separated brethren [Protestants] for the advancement of any cause that is for the good of all the people. Our friends who differ with us in religion have appreciated the grand work in which we are engaged, and welcome our co-operation in improving the moral tone of our citizens.”
Last year the Federation of American Churches was asking the Catholic Church to join them in works that were for the betterment of society. This year the Catholics are inviting “our separated brethren” to unite with them “for the advancement of any cause that is for the good of all the people.” Both these bodies are agreed that Sunday laws are essential to the moral welfare of all the people. With federated Protestantism working for the enforcement of religious laws upon the people; with federated Catholicism working to the same end, and each eager and anxious to join the other in that work, it is perfectly evident that we shall soon see a mighty movement for religious legislation in this country—a demand backed by a power which our legislators will not dare to resist.
That the officers of the Federation are conscious of the power they will be able to wield in that direction was shown by one of the closing declarations of the president’s report. He said: “The Federation shall be able to ask for and receive the recognition to which so large a proportion of the loyal, patriotic citizenship of this republic is entitled.” That this was no vain boast was shown in the national secretary’s enumeration of the things accomplished by the Federation during the year.
Unlike ordinary political organizations, the American Federation of Catholic Societies “has been most active in carrying out its platform,” according to the statement of the national secretary.
The secretary’s report immediately followed the reading of the report of the president, and was most enthusiastically received by the delegates. One of the first items mentioned in the secretary’s report was the attitude of the Federation toward Sunday labor. There were a number of slaughter-houses in New York City that were operating on Sunday. It was claimed that one half of the men employed there were Catholics, and were being deprived of the privilege of attending mass on Sunday. The president of the Federation had taken up the matter with Secretary Wilson of the Department of Agriculture. The Secretary of Agriculture immediately informed Mr. Feeney that the matter was being taken up with those establishments with a view to their closing, and that he himself was heartily in favor of enforcing “the observance of Sunday by the establishments,” in order “to secure the day as a day of rest for the employees.” A demand backed by a united body of nearly two million members is quite certain to be complied with by the politicians of to-day.
Early in the year many earnest petitions were sent to the United States Senate urging that body to take some action looking toward the amelioration of the terrible condition existing in the Kongo country. At one time it seemed quite likely that the Senate would take action to that end. Suddenly, and without apparent reason, the Senate ceased its activity along that line. The reason is given in the annual report of Mr. Matre, the national secretary of the Federation.
When the officers of the Federation learned that the United States Senate might add the force of its protest to the protests of Christian people against the atrocities practised by the agents of King Leopold in the Kongo, they at once wrote to President Roosevelt and the fifteen senators on the Foreign Relations Committee, demanding that no action be taken in the matter. The federation secretary informed President Roosevelt and the fifteen senators that the organization making this demand had a membership of nearly two million.
Fearing that this might not be sufficient to compel this government to remain quiet concerning the course of the Catholic ruler of the Kongo, the federation officials began a very effective campaign throughout the country to overwhelm the Senate with protests. Letters were sent to the secretaries of all the societies in the Federation, and to influential individuals, asking them to send letters and telegrams of protest to the senators from their respective States. They did so; and there has since that time been no intimation of any likelihood that the Senate of the United States will utter a word of protest against the cruelties practised on the Kongo.
Thus do we see the formation of that power which was to arise in this country to fulfil the prophecy of Revelation 13: “He maketh the earth and them that dwell therein to worship the first beast, whose death stroke was healed.”
What power is this that rises up in this country and says to the government, “Thou shalt not,” and is obeyed?—It is the American Federation of Catholic Societies. That same power can just as easily say to this nation, “Thou shalt,” and be obeyed. And when it is ready to make its demand upon the government that the Sunday institution be enforced upon the people, it will have the backing of the Federation of American Churches, which has already signified its willingness to join with the Catholic Church for such a work. If the government was willing to yield in the Kongo matter to the American Federation of Catholic Societies alone, is it likely that it will refuse to yield when the demand is made upon it by the two great organizations combined?
C. M. S.