“THROUGH HIS POLICY ALSO HE SHALL CAUSE CRAFT TO PROSPER IN HIS HAND.”
When the United States declared war against Spain, April 18, 1898, she also declared that “the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent.” The national party and administration, June 20, 1900, declared that “to Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be performed.” In the declaration of war against Spain, it was also declared “that the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said islands, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people.” About July 20, 1900, a plan was announced to the country and to Cuba, by the national administration, according to which, if Cuba accepts it, a new form of government will be established in Cuba. But that it is to be far from independence for Cuba can be seen from the following facts:— First, a constitutional convention is to be held in Cuba the latter part of this year; the election of delegates to be about September 15; the delegates to assemble in convention shortly afterward. Secondly, if this convention shall frame a constitution fully satisfactory to the United States,—the administration and, perhaps, Congress,—then the military government now in control will be withdrawn. But if this convention does not frame such a satisfactory constitution, then the military government now in control will remain until Cuba can present a constitution that shall be so satisfactory. It is perfectly plain that in that plan there is no suggestion of the independence of Cuba nor of her people. That would be so, even if this as here presented were all of the plan. But that is not all of the plan. The plan further requires that whatever constitution Cuba may frame, it must contain the following perpetual reservations dictated by the United States, fixing the perpetual control of Cuba by the United States. These reservations are as follows:— 1. The foreign relations of Cuba to be managed through the American government at Washington. 2. Cuba to have no power to declare war without the consent of the United States. 3. The United States government to have a veto power over legislation increasing the Cuban debt beyond certain limits to be set forth in the new constitution. 4. The United States to have a certain well-defined supervision over the Cuban treasury. 5. The United States to retain, for a period of years, if not indefinitely, control of the fortifications which command the port of Havana and other important cities of the republic. The first two of these almost exactly correspond to the relations between Britain and the Transvaal, before the present war; and neither the Transvaal, nor Britain, nor the world at large counted the Transvaal an independent republic. And the last three of these reservations by the United States carry the power of the United States infinitely further over Cuba than was the British power formerly over the Transvaal. In short, these reservations dictated by the United States for adoption by Cuba, forever exclude Cuban independence, and forever assure United States control of Cuba. And this is exactly what the reservations, and the plan as a whole, are intended to do, This is made perfectly plain by an administration correspondent in Washington, in announcing the plan. The following is his explanation:— WASHINGTON, July 20.—Cuba is likely to become nominally an independent republic, with certain reservations that will virtually make the island a self-governing colony of the United States, within six or eight months from this date. “Nominally an independent republic” is an independent republic in name only; because “nominal” means “existing in name only; not real; ostensible; merely so-called;” “a consideration so trivial in comparison with the real value as to be substantially equivalent to nothing.” And so “nominally an independent republic, with certain reservations that will virtually make the island a self-governing colony of the United States,” — that is the independence to which “the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be,” in the possession and enjoyment of; that is “the independence and self-government” that were “assured” and pledged to Cuba, and which assurance and pledge “to the letter shall be performed”! The correspondent then tells of the constitutional convention that is to be called, the time of it, etc., and further says (Italics ours):— As to whether or not the United States is to withdraw from Cuba at an early date, much depends upon the sort of constitution which this convention may think it wise to adopt. If it adopts a constitution which, in the opinion of the administration or of Congress, insures the carrying out of the pledge given by the United States to see that a stable government is established in Cuba, and the establishment of a stable government follows, the United States will retire during the coming winter or early in the spring, and turn the control of the island over to the Cuban people. The significant part of the program lies in the conditions which the administration is disposed to insist upon in the new constitution. While sovereignty is to be nominally vested in the Cuban people, and the republic is, in name at least, to be free and independent, there are certain reservations which the United States, in case Congress upholds the President, will insist upon. Then are inserted the five reservations already printed; and the correspondent further says:— If the people of Cuba see to it that delegates are chosen to the constitutional convention who are willing to embody these reservations of American control in the magna-charta of the new republic, the dream of “Cuba libre” may be realized within six or eight months. Members of the administration argue that the United States is pledged to give Cuba a stable government before retiring from control of the island, and that this pledge must be carried out to the letter. It is obvious, they say, that Cuba should not be given the power to make treaties that might be injurious to the United States, nor to carry on foreign relations which might involve the new republic in war, nor to unduly increase the republic’s debt, nor to have full control of the fortifications which command the seaports, and which might tempt the cupidity of world-grabbing Powers. The general idea of the administration and of the property-holding and most influential classes of Cuba is to try local self-government as a sort of ward or colony of the United States, subject to wholesome restraints; and if that works well, gradually to assume a status more closely approximating true independence. In other words, Cuba should, for a time at least, become nominally a republic, but really a self-governing American colony, occupying relations to the United States similar to those sustained by Canada or Australia or New Zealand to Great Britain. It is understood that in the event of the Cuban constitutional convention’s failing to adopt a constitution containing sufficient provision for American check and control, the military government now in operation there will be continued for some time longer, or until public opinion in Cuba shall have been educated up to the proper point. Thus, instead of its being intended that Cuba shall ever see true freedom and independence, or see herself anything more than “nominally a republic,” it is intended that she shall forever see herself “really a self-governing American colony.” While “disclaiming any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island, except for the pacification thereof,” and asserting “its determination when that [pacification] is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people,” the United States government proposes to insist upon the incorporation in the Cuban constitution—its organic fundamental law, where they shall remain forever—provisions by which the United States shall forever “exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction,” and “control over said island.” Maybe it will be asked, “But what is all this to us?”—Just nothing at all—EXCEPT that it so plainly shows the fulfillment of the prophecy of the “national apostasy” of the United States; nothing—EXCEPT that it marks so plainly the progress of this nation in fulfillment of the prophecy that this nation would “repudiate every principle of its Constitution as a republican government” as well as of a “Protestant” government; nothing—EXCEPT that it shows how fully this republic is following in the course to monarchy and ruin, the identical course by which the Roman Republic descended to monarchy and to ruin. No other principles of government than the Roman and the British are now recognized by the United States. This is not to say anything against the British principles of government for Britain: but they are not the principles of a republic. Britain has never pretended to be anything but a monarchy; and being a monarchy, her principles and system of government are perfectly consistent. And it was revolt against that system that made the United States government. That was a revolution. And now for the United States to return to British principles and the British system of government, can not possibly be anything else than a revolution backward—national apostasy—from republic to monarchy. If this apostasy were only from the American to the British system of government, to be conducted truly as is the British system, that would be “national apostasy” true enough; but there would be yet in it some elements of safety. But this apostasy is to Roman principles as well as to British, and to Roman far more than to British. Indeed, it is to the British only in form, while it is to the Roman in form, in feature, and in very life—even to Rome’s peculiar “policy” of fair promises and smooth pretensions only to be evaded on occasion, by which he caused “craft to prosper in his hand,” and “by peace” destroyed many. Dan. 8:24, 25. That was the way of the Beast. This is the very repetition of it, and is the way of the Image of the Beast. It is not by any means pleasant to be obliged to write these things. But the truth compels. And it would be far worse not to do it. For the Scripture has pointed to these things as signs of the end; and if the watchman see the sword come, and blow not the trumpet, and the people be not warned, when the sword does come and takes away any, his blood shall be required at the watchman’s hand. The Third Angel’s Message contemplates the making and the work of the Image of the Beast. The Beast was made by the union of an apostate republic with an apostate church. The making of the Image of the Beast is being carried on before the eyes of all the people.