ANOTHER BRIEF REVIEW OF “PASSING EVENTS.”
THE following article from the pen of Brother A. T. Jones, was published in the REVIEW of March 19, 1901. There has been such a call for the paper containing the articles, that we are happy to give it again to our readers this week. It describes a dastardly revolution now in progress in our government; the article will not be out of date till the spirit of repudiation and apostasy now preying upon the vitals of our nation has accomplished its work.395 All who have been readers of the Review for the past three years know that we have constantly called attention to the fact of a national apostasy from republican principle, which has been going on in these United States. It is true that a few have thought that this was “too much politics;” but we knew that it was not politics at all, but principle of divine truth, and of prophecy. The prophecy had declared long ago, and shortly ago, that such would be; that there would be, in this nation, an apostasy from the truth, a repudiation of republican as well as Protestant principle of government. In the Review of Aug. 30, 1898, under the general heading of “Passing Events,” we called attention to “A Quiet Revolution” that was even then going on in the United States. We cited some facts that had occurred the week before in a great convention at Saratoga, N. Y., in which the lines were drawn between the maintenance and the repudiation of the principles of the Declaration of Independence; the force of the argument resting in favor of the Declaration, but the weight of sentiment being overwhelmingly against it. We then said: “This occurrence is only an illustration of the situation all over the country. And by this it is perfectly plain that there is a great and most dangerous revolution going on before the very eyes of the American people; and they are even helping it on, while they do not discern it. “Under the false impression that revolutions can be accomplished only by violence and visible upheaval, the American people are even now passing through a revolution, and are in danger of finding themselves in the clutches of a new and strange power before they realize that any such thing is going on at all. “We have already shown the course of the Roman Republic, and how the American Republic is going over the same ground precisely. And just now it should not be forgotten by any member of the American Republic, that the Roman Republic passed through the despotism of two triumvirates, the second far worse than the first, each ending in the despotism of one man, and then passed into the ‘furious and crushing despotism’ of the Roman monarchy, all in the name of the republic. All this occurred inside of forty years, before the eyes of all the people, while they were pleasing themselves with the fancy and the name that they were still a republic. “Even when Augustus had become emperor, this fiction was played by him before the eyes of the people; and the people were pleased with it. For, as Gibbon most pointedly remarks: ‘Augustus was sensible that mankind is governed by names; nor was he deceived in his expectation that the senate and people would submit to slavery, provided they were respectfully assured that they still enjoyed their ancient freedom.’ Upon this safe assumption, he accordingly deceived ‘the people by an image of civil liberty, and the armies by an image of civil government.’ He was eminently successful, and both people and armies congratulated themselves upon the greatness, and the new and wonderful career, of the Roman Republic!’” From that day, Aug. 30, 1898, to this day, March 19, 1901, the progress of this revolution has been as steady as has been the ticking of the clock. And this revolution is now so fully accomplished that, in principle, there is nothing more to be done: all that remains is the practice of the principles which have been officially adopted and promulgated by the government of the United States. In the United States Senate, Wednesday, Feb. 27, 1901, and in the House of Representatives, Thursday, Feb. 28, 1901, there was enacted as law, for the governing of the Philippine Islands, the following:— “All military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to govern the Philippine Islands acquired from Spain by the treaties concluded at Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898, and at Washington on the 7th day of November, 1900, shall, until otherwise provided by Congress, be vested in such person and persons, and shall be exercised in such manner, as the President of the United States shall direct for the establishment of civil government and for maintaining and protecting the inhabitants of such islands in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion; Provided, That all franchises granted under the authority hereof shall contain a reservation of the right to alter, amend, or repeal the same.” First of all it is to be noticed that this is a distinct abandonment of the Constitution, and a distinct abdication of its powers by the Congress of the United States. For Section 1 of Article I of the Constitution of the United States says:— “All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.” Secondly, Section 1 of Article III of the Constitution says:— “The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.” Now, when the Constitution definitely confines to Congress all legislative powers granted, and to a supreme court, and such inferior courts as may from time to time be provided, all judicial powers; and then Congress passes over to, and vests in, “such person and persons . . . as the President of the United States shall direct,” all civil and judicial powers necessary to govern territory of the United States, that is nothing less than for Congress so far to abdicate its own power, and so far to take away from the courts their powers. It is also a clear abandonment of the Constitution of the United States, so far as the Philippine Islands are concerned, and, in principle, so far as any place is concerned. Nor is this abandonment of the Constitution merely tacit, by the wording of the law relating to the government of the Philippine Islands. It is explicit, and was repeatedly confirmed. For an amendment was proposed, to the Philippine section of the bill, as follows:— “Sec.—. That the Constitution of the United States is hereby extended over, and declared to be in force in, the Philippine Islands so far as the same or any provision thereof may be applicable.” This was rejected, by a vote of thirty-nine to twenty-three: not voting, twenty-six. Afterward there was offered the following amendment:— “And provided further, That no judgment, order, nor act by any of said officials so appointed shall conflict with the Constitution and laws of the United States.” That amendment was rejected by a vote of forty-five to twenty-five: not voting, eighteen. After this an amendment was offered requiring that— “Every person in whom authority is vested under this grant of power shall take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States.” This was also rejected, by a vote of forty-one to twenty-five: not voting, twenty-two. After this there was offered the following amendment:— “All persons shall be bailable unless for capital offenses where the proof shall be evident or the presumption great. All fines shall be moderate, and no cruel or unusual punishment shall be inflicted. No man shall be deprived of his life, liberty, or property, but by the judgment of his peers and the law of the land. If the public exigencies make it necessary for the common preservation, to take the property of any person, or to demand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same. No ex post facto law or law impairing the obligation of contracts shall be made. No law shall be made which shall lay any person under restraint, burden, or disability on account of his religious opinions, professions, or mode of worship, in all of which he shall be free to maintain his own, and not burdened for those of another.” This, too, was rejected, by a vote of forty-one to twenty-three: not voting, twenty-four. When, thus, it had been voted, over and over again, to bestow unlimited power upon such persons as the President shall name to govern the Philippine Islands, then attempt was made to limit the time of the exercise of this power. Accordingly, an amendment was offered, limiting this time to March 4, 1903. But this was rejected by a vote of forty-three to twenty-six: not voting, nineteen. When it had been so positively decided that unlimited power should be given to these men,—and for unlimited time,—an attempt was made to give the Filipinos a part in the government of themselves. Accordingly, an amendment was offered, as follows:— “And secure to them such participation in the affairs of the civil government so to be established as shall be consistent with the safety of the government.” But this was rejected by a vote of thirty-nine to twenty-three: not voting, twenty-six. When it had thus been explicitly and confirmedly settled that the powers of such men as the President shall appoint to govern the Philippines, shall be unlimited, shall be unlimited for all time, and shall be absolute over the people of the islands, attempt was made to save at least a vestige of Constitutional liberty, as follows:— “Mr. Hoar: Mr. President, there is one principle of Constitutional liberty not yet slain, and I desire to give it a little chance for its life. I move the amendment which I send to the desk, to be inserted at the end of the bill. “The Presiding Officer: The Senator from Massachusetts submits an amendment which will be stated. “The Secretary: It is proposed to add as a new section the following:— “‘In the government of the Philippine Islands no person vested with legislative powers shall ever exercise the executive or judicial powers, or either of them; no person vested with executive powers shall ever exercise the legislative or judicial powers, or either of them; no person vested with judicial powers shall ever exercise the legislative or executive powers, or either of them; to the end that it may be a government of laws and not of men.’” “The Presiding Officer: The question is on the amendment of the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] to the amendment of the committee. “Mr. Jones, of Arkansas, and Mr. Pettus called for the yeas and nays. “The yeas and nays were ordered and the Secretary proceeded to call the roll.” And even this last principle of Constitutional liberty was slain. It was rejected, by a vote of forty-three to twenty-six: not voting, nineteen. See the whole account in Congressional Record dated Wednesday, Feb. 27, 1901. As already stated, the next day the House of Representatives passed this legislation, as it came from the Senate, without any change whatever. And since it was all done at the demand of the President, of course it was all approved by him when it came before him to be signed. And thus the government of the United States has, in principle,—and for the Philippines in practice,—deliberately and expressly repudiated every principle of its Constitution as a republican government. Not a single item, nor even an iota, of the principle of republican or Constitutional government remains.