NOT ORIGINAL AMERICANISM.
By Editor
Not Politics, but Principles.
An able and enthusiastic labor candidate, in speaking of the overreaching greed of monopoly trusts, says:— The most formidable of the combinations dangerous to the mass of men and dangerous to our republic are what are known as monopoly trusts; and if these trusts are to be governed as they should be, if they are to be shorn of power to enslave the millions who are poor and to embarrass the millions who are only moderately rich, then those millions must promptly and vigorously deal with the problem presented by the new conditions. Trades-unionists must strengthen their unions, and must vote for men who are of and for the people; those who, not being trades-unionists, stand for the principles of the Declaration of Independence and against plutocracy, must give friendly aid to trades-unionism, and must help to give the positions of public power to men in ardent sympathy with the doctrine, “The greatest good to the greatest number.” Now this journal is not in politics. It is not controlled nor can it be controlled by any political party. It quotes the above from a party politician to show the drift of “American patriotism,” the trend of “reform” in politics, the hope that thousands have set before them for political salvation; and we wish the reader to see the fallacy of it all. The danger, the greed, the tyrannous power of the trusts, all will admit, except trust beneficiaries actually or in hope prospectively. They are not only embarrassing the millions, but in their conscienceless greed they are rapidly enslaving many. What is the remedy proposed?—It is trade-unionism. But trade-unionism is the monopoly trust of labor, working objectively only for those within the union. It is their great purpose so to increase in numbers that they can reap to themselves a sure return. The trade-unionist is as much against the laboring man who will not join the union as the trust magnate is against the firm who will not yield to the trust. This labor-union candidate solicits the support of the non-unionists who “stand for the principles of the Declaration of Independence and against plutocracy.” These, we are told, “must give friendly aid to trades-unionism, and must help to give the positions of public power to men in ardent sympathy with the doctrine of ‘the greatest good to the greatest number.’” Now there are many men who are against trusts, because they believe in the principles of the Declaration of Independence; and for the same reasons, while in sympathy with the laboring men, they are opposed to trade-unionism. Not that they deny the right of the workmen to organize in any way; but they do deny the right of power to any organization to coerce or compel any person or persons to join it. They note in the trade-union organization the same effort and spirit to control the laborer that the trust has to control the mill-men, the merchants, the manufacturers, the trade of the country. The trust endeavors to ‘freeze out’ all firms which will not yield to its dictation. This is wrong. But it is no worse than to bar from his position and means of support a fellow-laborer who differs from his fellows in the one sole thing that he is not a union man. He is just as honest, just as industrious, just as good a workman, just as kind and helpful a father, husband, neighbor, and wants a just wage for the work rendered. He has nothing against union men as men. He can work with them as with others. But he does not believe in the principles of trade-unionism. Notwithstanding his qualities as a man, labor-unionists insist that he shall leave his position of years’ standing, won and held by merit, or join the union. The principle is the same as that of the trust, isn’t it? Surely, it is a far cry from such principles to those of the Declaration of Independence. That historic document stood for the equality of man, not the equality and rights of trust magnates or the equality and rights of labor-unionists, but the equality and rights of all men irrespective of political or religious creed, nationality or race. The man who stands by these principles of the Declaration of Independence, but who should aid labor-unionism to success, would find that he himself would become the object of attack unless he abjure these principles, join the union, and fight against the true lovers of equality. No good government stands for “the greatest good to the greatest number.” It sounds good, but it will not bear analysis. It simply means, the greatest good to the majority, let that majority be what it will. The true government, the ideal government, the government under which the poor can live as well as the rich, is the government which protects the weakest person, be that person a labor-unionist or “scab,” be he capitalist or employee. The government under the folds of whose flag the rights of the weakest are protected is a government in which the rights of all are safe. That is true republicanism, true democracy. That also is true Christianity. But O, how far from that ideal the republic has departed! The equality of the Declaration of Independence is the equality which our cult or organization may demand. The rights to be protected under the Constitution are our rights; and the sad thing is that there are no warning voices raised against such utterly, foolishly selfish and corrupting principles.