THE OUTLOOK FOR SOCIAL PEACE.
By T.
The question of the relations of “capital and labor” has been a topic for consideration from time immemorial. But the heated discussion of the subject has never been so general all over the world as now. And aside from the stormy times in France just before the revolution and reign of terror, there has perhaps never been a more bitter feeling against the rich than may be found now among a large class in all parts of the world. There is a growing feeling that the very wealthy are in one camp, that the poor and distressed are in another, and that hostilities between these two classes must soon begin. It is not within the sphere of this paper to discuss the merits of the arguments made and the principles enunciated by either party to this “capital and labor” controversy. A statement of the simple facts as they exist to-day is all that is intended. Some there are who try to console themselves with the idea that the “capital and labor” trouble will never amount to anything—that it will take care of itself, and be settled without difficulty. Yet all will admit that there is a grave situation summed up in this labor problem. And all are aware of the fact that not the United States alone is grappling with the difficulty, but England, France, Germany, Russia, in fact, the whole world, is confronted with the perplexing query, “What shall we do with the labor question?” In the meantime, labor of every grade and description, from the most highly cultivated and skilled engineer and mechanic, on down to the newsboy, has been formed into “unions” “for mutual benefit and protection.” While, on the other hand, capital has been most completely and extensively organized by means of great corporations, and combinations of corporations into trusts. In this way the whole of society is broken up into “orders,” “combines,” and “unions,” which some social spark may ignite, and a destructive conflict must inevitably follow. And under such circumstances the government is powerless. When a community is completely broken up by orders and combines, each thinking that the other is an enemy to its own welfare, it is impossible to enforce governmental authority when once a general strife begins. The hope is fondly cherished by many that the world is becoming too much enlightened for it ever again to be precipitated into any serious conflict involving force and the great shedding of blood. But there never was a wilder or more delusive dream. This is an age marked by peculiarly strong and very nervous unrest. The telegraph, the telephone, the rapid transit from place to place by the railroad and steamship, and the whole train of inventions and material improvements in our time, have not only stimulated business activity, but have made our business men a complete bundle of sensitive and excitable nerves. The age is filled with the greatest unrest that has ever been known. Everything must go with a rush and whirl. Some one has remarked that the bustling, rushing man of forty to-day, has seen more, done more, and actually lived more than did Methuselah in his quiet millennium of years. Some may consider this statement an exaggeration, and all ought to agree that the pastoral life of the antediluvian patriarch is by far the most natural and happy one. For who can enjoy the thought of being continually rushed and driven to keep abreast with such a whirling age? This excitable, nervous strain is continually making overdrafts upon the physical system, and causing us to become weaker and still more susceptible to the unrest of our time. How many there are who have to retire from active duties before they reach the age of forty, because of “nervous prostration,” a term which most frequently means the wreck of the whole nervous system. So in all serious earnestness the question may be asked, Is there a shadow of a reason for believing that this age, strung to the highest tension of uneasiness and excitability, can lay any peculiar claim to the attributes or characteristics which make for peace? For the last few days war talk in this country has been running very high. And with the press and the people calling for vengeance on Spain, the query often arises, Where are those who at other times are giving such eloquent discourses or writing such sublime essays on our age of peace? The Spanish people in many localities are also keenly desirous of a chance to fight the “Yankees.” And if we look over the whole world, there is quite enough of the flame of war to wither every budding branch of the olive of peace. Any one who will withdraw from the exciting scene long enough to get his bearings, so as to see things as they are, and not as they may appear, must see the inconsistencies of those who affirm so strongly that we have surely reached the age of peace. To-day they attend a peace congress, and in their talks would have us believe that we are already within the borders of the glorious millennium. All our labor troubles, our social difficulties of every sort, and every international dispute, will be settled by arbitration. To-morrow something comes up that he considers an “outrage on civilization,” and the same man, forgetful of his peace proclivities, is loudly calling for shot and shell to wreak dire vengeance upon his fellow-man. In his peace talks it is the “brotherhood of all mankind” that furnishes the topic to draw out his most kindly and emotional sentences. But when he gets stirred up by another kind of sentiment, he wants the army to “destroy the infamous wretches from the face of the earth.” The foregoing statements are not given as “news.” Neither is it considered that they need be supported by arguments. They are simple facts with which every one is familiar. And of course all you need do with a fact is simply to state it, and it can stand alone without any argument. So again we invite careful consideration of the situation before us all over the world to-day. The people are in a feverish rush, and the least provocation serves to irritate the already overstrained nerves. Society is all divided up into unions, combines, and associations, and in too many instances each thinks that the good of the social and moral world depends upon the overthrow of the other. And no one can fail to see that intense feelings invariably possess the people of this age. Indeed, it could not be otherwise. For people must feel deeply and keenly when their nervous energies are so highly aroused as is the case with those now living. Then ask yourself the question, What is the outlook for social peace? You know perfectly well that the world now is divided into two great camps—capital on the one hand, and labor on the other. Yet, while there are these7two great divisions of society, each division is split up into numerous smaller divisions, all agreeing that there is a great social evil, yet with no uniformity as to the way to overcome it. So we have a very sick patient and numerous doctors. But the doctors can not agree as to the remedy to be applied, and the patient is getting sicker all the time. Some strong-minded social doctor, supported by his peculiar subdivision or organization, will yet step forward and insist on trying his skill; others will just as strongly insist that their particular remedy is the only proper one for the disease. And so the social storm begins; who will attempt to tell where it may end? Only divine foreknowledge can answer. And, marvelous tho it may seem, divine foreknowledge caused to be recorded nearly two thousand years ago that capital and labor would come into conflict down here in these days. It is a most interesting subject for study, but it will have to be deferred till next week. T.