Luxembourg's Strategic Position Between Germany and France
The grand duchy of Luxembourg is a province lying between Belgium and Prussia. It belongs, however, to the king of Holland, who is grand duke of the duchy. The duchy lies in that exact position, as will be seen by reference to a map, which makes it particularly important to Germany if Alsace and Lorraine are annexed, for Luxembourg flanks Metz, and the proposed new line of the German frontier. It is, itself, one of the strongest positions on that line. Previous to 1867, Prussia held the great fortress of Luxembourg under a treaty of arrangement with the king of Holland, as a check upon the flank of any French force seeking to invade Germany. But the king of Holland constantly needs money, being a spendthrift. So, in 1866, when Napoleon offered to purchase Luxembourg for a considerable sum, he eagerly closed the bargain. Prussia, however, firmly interposed, and declared that the occupation of the duchy by France, so near Berlin, and upon her flank, would not be permitted. France was not then ready for war; and after some diplomatic negotiation, a compromise was effected, by which Prussia retired from the fortress of Luxembourg, after destroying it, France withdrew from the desired purchase, and the neutrality of the duchy was guaranteed. Now, however, there is a change in the conditions. France lies prostrate, and Germany is triumphant and strong. It is believed that the king of Holland has, recently, secretly sold the duchy of Luxembourg to Prussia, as he proposed formerly to sell it to France. At any rate, Prussia is about to resume her armed occupation of the duchy, to rebuild and make stronger than ever the great fortress, and, probably, to annex the duchy to Germany. The treaty of 1867 was not alone a treaty between Prussia and France, but England and the other great powers were parties to it. If Bismarck should now ask the powers to abrogate the treaty, and allow the king of Holland to sell the duchy to Prussia, the powers would probably refuse their consent. Therefore, Bismarck imitates Russia, and simply announces that Prussia will no longer be bound by the treaty. He gives as a reason that the people of Luxembourg have violated their neutrality in various particulars; and that, the bargain being thus broken, Prussia is no longer bound by it. This is exactly the position of Russia in regard to the Black Sea treaty of 1856. At first, England, Austria, and Italy, appeared fiercely eager to compel Russia to observe that treaty. Presently, signs of a secret agreement between Russia and Germany relative to the old treaties were discovered, and the other powers began to cool off. Now comes this announcement by Germany of a precisely similar intention relative to the treaty of 1867. If the powers enforce, or attempt to enforce, the treaty of 1856 against Russia, they are equally bound to also enforce the treaty of 1867 against Germany. If the powers insist that the Russian note, announcing that Russia would no longer be bound by the treaty, was insolent, or wrong, because the other parties to the treaty were not consulted, then the powers are equally bound to resent the tone of Bismarck's note. It is now clearly evident that Russia and Prussia are acting in concert, and that they design to break all the old balance of power fetters that have so long bound the nations of Europe, and to establish a new rule, that the natural progress and growth of nations are not to be hindered by combinations of their neighbors, but that each people is to be at liberty to settle its own affairs, and pursue its own interests, in its own way, subject only to the restriction of not encroaching upon the rights of its neighbors. As a leading Austrian paper says in view of Bismarck's note, all the old treaties have become valueless, and hereafter no nation will observe them that has the power and is in a condition to throw them off. It is in view of this new development that the London Times meekly observes that the conduct of Russia and Prussia in regard to these treaties is indefensible, but it is not the duty of England to interfere. This, though England was one of the chief parties to both treaties. But it is obvious that England's supposed duty, a few days ago, to interfere with Russia, assumes quite a different appearance when Germany also stretches her formidable sword across the way. Interference does not look exactly like the same job it did before Prussia spoke. If, now, a general congress of the powers is held to consider the Russian question, it is obvious that Russia must be allowed to have her own way, or else the powers must prepare to fight both Russia and Germany. For England, Austria, and Turkey, with a little aid from Italy, to undertake this, would be ruinous. They will think better of it. It will not pay. It is not at all the entertainment which the congress at first expected. But it is probable it will lead to a peaceful solution of the Russian question, and prevent war, and so be, after all, far better for Europe and for mankind.—Detroit Post.