Is It Peace? by Editor

Pacific Seventh-day Adventist Publishing Association · Oakland, California · Jan 23, 1879

"Is It Peace?"

By Editor

THE question asked through Ezekiel the prophet, "Watchman, what of the night?" has so often been used that all are familiar with the sound; but there has never been a time when it posessed more interest than at the present. This generation has been assiduously taught to expect a time of universal peace; and religious teachers are mainly responsible for the expectation, because they have professed to forecast such a future for the nations, from the prophecies of the Scriptures. We firmly believe they have misapprehended the Scriptures; but it is not our purpose to review this field at present. What is the prospect, viewing it from the position of the nations of the earth?

The Berlin Conference was held in the interest of peace. We have no assurance, judging from subsequent actions, that peace was the primary object of those who took part in that conference. For a long time there has been preparations made, on a most extensive scale, of a war, which all expected, and to which all looked forward with fear. But during the sessions of the conference, England was taking steps to strengthen herself on the territory upon which they were deliberating, and Russia, taking liberty from this action on the part of her rival in the acquisition of territory, has abated very little of her efforts to maintain all the advantage which she has gained in the war with Turkey.

The conference at Berlin was quickly followed by a declaration of war by England against Afghanistan. There was no sufficient cause for this war; no reason can be assigned for it except that which is found in the restless ambition of England's Premier. It was heartily denounced by the best men in the nation, and was likely to be condemned by Parliament. But before action could be taken her puny adversary was overwhelmed, and the people were silenced by the boasts of "a glorious victory." No one could think of resigning what was gained in fighting, and so the oppressive spirit of power goes unrebuked.

But forebodings of evil will not be quieted by this triumph over a weak nation which had not provoked the assault. The Methodist Recorder, of London, says :—

"The war between England and Afghanistan, already begun, is one involving questions which Russia can hardly fail to make the pretext for hostile attitude toward Great Britain. The British possessions in India have hitherto been protected by natural lines, the mountain ranges; the subjects of the Empress have been measurably loyal, with a disposition to accept the western civilization. The conflict with Afghanistan, while in itself of minor importance, will probably disturb the peace of the Indies, expose the frontier to foreign invasions, and ultimately bring into the controversy the Czar and his mighty armies of the North. This in turn would make new complications with other nations, supposed to have been quieted by the Berlin treaty, and lead to a general disturbance in the East."

The Queen shares in the apprehension expressed in the above extract. The Whitehall Review, speaking of the failing health of her Majesty, attributes it largely to the prospect of a terrible war into which England is like to be soon plunged. It says :—

"It is not many days since her Majesty expressed her despair as to the possibility of our avoiding a conflict with Russia, and the bare probability of so colossal a calamity to England and to Europe filled her with horror and apprehension. The lady who guides the destinies of this vast empire is not one of those morally-facile people who can contemplate the awful responsibility of warfare with a light heart. On the contrary, ever since this interminable Eastern problem began to perplex the statesmanship of Europe she has labored in season and out of season for peace. The likelihood of her noble effort being foiled has caused this illustrious personage poignant regret."

Hers is not merely the fear of an overwrought imagination. The most prudent statesmen regard it much in the same light, if they are not equally sensitive and depressed with the prospect. The London Standard, speaking of the revolutionary spirit in Europe, says :—

"We invite our readers to take a candid survey of the political condition and social opinions of continental Europe, and we are convinced that if they do so they will be satisfied that the allusion made to the period of 1848 by Herr Sonnemann in his reply to Prince de Bismarck in the German reichstag was far from irrelevant or inopportune. We are divided from that memorable date by thirty years, a period which is usually considered equivalent to a generation in the history of men and communities. Yet will any one have the courage to assert that the opinions, aspirations, and projects, which for a time emptied Europe of half its thrones, and seemed likely to revolutionize the organizations of society, have been abandoned, or that the horizon, is free from the threatening theories which then gathered to a head and burst upon governments unprepared to withstand them? No doubt the ruling powers are better armed than they were then to resist insurrection against their authority. They remember what occurred at that date, and they are not likely to trust themselves a second time to the chapter of accidents. But opinions that do not change, and ambitions that are not abandoned, never fail to find at length opportunities for their assertion, and we hold it to be morally certain that, if what are generally known as revolutionary opinions are not extirpated by conviction, all the precaution in life will not prevent them from being translated into action, even if only as a passing experiment. Europe, it is idle to deny, is more completely permeated with the doctrines of discontent than at any former period, and one of the worst and most alarming of the phenomena it produces is to be seen in the fact that statesmen of so much experience, penetration, and resource as Prince de Bismarck can discover no better expedient for remedying it than repression and defiance. Prince de Bismarck says that more victims may yet fall before the barrel of the assassin, but that they will fall martyrs for God and fatherland. Herr Sonnemann retorts upon him, with perfect propriety, that he is personally averse from appeals to violence; but if it needs must come to fighting he and his will know how to fight, and that he will esteem it an honor to perish on the battlefield."

It is idle to look for safety in the organization of the armies. The uprising in 1848 was by parties almost entirely unorganized, and they have profited by experience and the preparations on the part of the governments, and are now organized and armed; while, as the Standard says, the spirit of discontent is more wide spread than it was at that time.

Even in Russia, where obedience to authority has always been implicit and unquestioning, the same spirit of revolution is manifesting itself. In the same article the Standard says :—

"The ancient reverence for the occupant of the throne, which was the one conspicuous feature of Russian society is on the wane. 'It is to the czardom,' the people of Russia are told by one of these secretly circulated prints, 'that we owe all our misfortunes. It has made us slaves, depriving us of all moral dignity, and degrading us to the condition of an enervated people, without individuality or liberal aspirations. If we wish to recover our rights we must expel the Romanoffs, and exterminate root and branch the system they have introduced.' No doubt these are the phrases of exceedingly raw revolutionists, but they indicate that precise condition of mind which leads to desperate action."

Russia's intentions on India have been hardly concealed. A lengthy article in a St. Petersburg paper, the Golos, foreshadowed her policy; but the article was promptly seized by the police, and suppressed. In that article the Golos said :—

"It is thus made manifest that, under such circumstances, our movements cannot end with our acquisitions and present aggrandizements, even though it displease the English. We have not yet arrived at the natural limits of our power in Asia. We have not yet subordinated to our influence all those conflicting elements of populations whose independence has been so damaging to the interests of Russia."

The Golos disclaims the idea of mere ambition on the part of Russia in her designs on the East, but what besides ambition can so coolly menace feeble nations, because their independence is damaging to Russian interests?

It also cites the words of English statesmen, showing that they are awake to the danger of her interests in Asia; and further says :—

"These facts, we believe, are sufficient to show that the safety of the East Indian Empire is by no means guaranteed. The discontent of the inhabitants of the continent might easily be spread by a new revolution."

When we consider that this article was written several years before the late war between Russia and Turkey, and that it pointed out Afghanistan as the most probable point at which England's Indian interests might be menaced, we are at no loss to find a reason for the recent movements of England.

While the governments of Europe are troubled so greatly with the Communists, it is significant that the Pope has sent proposals and recommended a plan for them to unite in suppressing the dangerous element. It would be no small honor, and might be productive of no mean results, to the Pontiff, if he could take the lead in a united movement of those governments. It would give him a prestige which he has not enjoyed for years past.

When we come to the subject of Communism, we approach the interests and dangers of our country also. A writer in the Banner of Light, speaking of the effort to establish the Christian religion by legal enforcements, says :—

"Modern infidels have active brains, persuasive tongues, educated pens; they have long and full purses, often; they have proud spirits; they have a sense of justice; they have immense and increasing numbers; millions of them have the ballot; hundreds of thousands of them understand the use of arms, the tactics of armies. Let Christian Statesmen beware! before they allow themselves to be further put in the wrong by the machinations of sanctimonious hypocrites, or the violence of ignorant zealots. Tens of thousands of firm hands will, if driven to it to save freedom, seize their arms and give Christian politics such a universal overthrow and awful burial as will abolish the greatest and last obstacle to genuine Republicanism and pure Democracy forever."

This is not merely the raving or idle threat of an enthusiast. It was written more than two years before the late outbreak which so suddenly stopped travel and traffic, and destroyed so much property. The spirit of lawlessness is loose in the land. Prof. Hitchcock, of Union Theological Seminary, in a lecture on Communism, recently said :—

"Communism is in the air. Section is poisoned against section, class against class, interest against interest. The poorer West and South are incited to despoil the richer East. Farmer, manufacturer, and merchant, natural friends, are being told that they are natural enemies. Long continued commercial distress, instead of being recognized as a common calamity in Europe as well as here, with special reasons for it on our side in the great war that saved the Union, is fiercely denounced as the crime of a class."

Every reader knows that it is impossible, within reasonable limits, to give even a tithe of the evidence existing that the nations are on the eve of a mighty struggle. And what is to follow? Is it a time of peace for those same nations? Not at all. This dispensation closes up in war,—even "the battle of the great day." Rev. 16. The stone which becomes a great mountain and fills the whole earth, utterly destroys all the kingdoms before it. Dan. 2. All the kingdoms which are upon the face of the whole earth shall fall and rise no more, because of the sword which is sent among them. Jer. 25. The nations are angry, and the wrath of God is ready to fall upon a wicked world, when the kingdoms of the world are given to Christ. Rev. 11 and Psa. 2.

The future of the nations, lying in wickedness—yes, increasing in wickedness—is only gloomy. The "little flock" who watch "the signs of the times" in the light of the "sure word of prophecy," will receive the kingdom. "Blessed is he that watcheth."