THE FRENCH CRISIS AND WHAT IT MEANS.
By C. M. S.
THE present condition of the French nation has been described as that of "a boiler with a roaring fire under it, no safety-valve, and no way to work off steam." The latest developments in the Dreyfus case have accentuated, if possible, the precarious condition of the French republic. The Court of Cassation has completed its work upon the Dreyfus case, but continues to postpone its verdict. Here is a case of simple justice submitted to the highest court. The question is, Was Dreyfus convicted according to law, or was he not? This court of last resort has reached its decision, but dares not pronounce judgment, for fear of the overthrow of the republic. The inference is that the court decides he was convicted contrary to law; but the fear of the army and its power in the government prevent the legitimate working of the judicial system. It is now stated that the army organization has its plans all laid for the overthrow of the republic and the establishment of a military despotism in its place. The cry of the Bonapartists is: "The vigil is over, the hour of combat is about to sound. The moment has come when Napoleon will be in our midst, and the tri-color flag will be crowned with the imperial eagle." The emissaries of Prince Victor are in England endeavoring to raise funds with which to carry on the contemplated revolution. A French correspondent, well versed in the affairs of the nation, has the following to say in a letter to the press:— "The revolution would be a bloodless one. The magazine rifle and the automatic gun have made civilian revolutions impossible forever. The days of street barricades are past. What would happen if the revolution really occurs would be the declaration of a state of siege by General Zurlinden, and a proclamation to the country that as a republican government no longer is able either to cause France to be respected abroad or to preserve the army from outrage and the people from disorder at home, the army takes charge of the safety and honor of France until the people decide for themselves what form the future government shall take. The principal revisionists would be arrested and certain newspapers suppressed, while the troops occupied the Elysee, the Chamber, and the telegraph offices. Prince Victor would immediately cross the frontier." The influence of the military power in France has been steadily growing, at the expense of the civil power, until the republic is at the very verge of dissolution. Thus is France at the mercy of her protectors. The mighty army which she raised to protect her from foreign foes has turned against her institutions, her established government, in all but the overt act that is bound to be accompanied with calamity to the French people. And America can in this thing find for herself an all-important lesson, especially applicable at this time when demand is made for a large standing army. We have seen the wisdom of our forefathers in many things connected with the establishing of this nation, principally in the matter of freedom from the domination of the church and the military in civil matters. Great efforts are continually being put forth in various quarters toward a union of the civil and religious in legislation, than which nothing could be more subversive of our liberties and the principles upon which the nation was founded. So it is not at all strange that there should be a cropping out of an inclination on the part of many to do for the military what is already being done for the religious element in the affairs of the civil power. It may begin with the increase of the standing army to 100,000 men, and it may end as France's experiment is ending now. The farther we get from the fundamental principles of this government, the surer is our course shaped toward an unhappy end.