Many Protestants, as Protestants, urged on the war in behalf of Cuban independence because they hoped that such a result would also break the Roman Catholic yoke in that island. They are desiring the permanent holding of Porto Rico and the Philippines for the same reason. These hopes are based largely on the delusion that the United States Government is under Protestant control. But Rome has two factors—one is Jesuit, the other is "liberal;" one is for church domination, the other is for religious liberty, according to locality or other circumstance. Where the former fails, the latter is ready to step in.
Rome’s Jesuit feature was loath to see Spain lose her island colonies, but her love of liberty (!) bids Godspeed to the United States in her victory, as soon as it is assured. True, Rome had large financial interests at stake, but the prospect is good that the ingenuity of Yankee Catholicism will eventually more than make up the loss to the church, besides making unprecedented progress in the matter of government control in the United States. The war which caused apparent reverses to the church in the islands gave a splendid opportunity for the Catholics of the United States to demonstrate the church’s loyalty, patriotism, and love of liberty, as also the papal desire for peace on earth. All things considered, the way was well opened for the church to come in as master of ceremonies at what professed Protestants blindly supposed would be her funeral. And now we have the aspect of Roman Church functionaries, because of their sacerdotal rank, being asked to assist the government in the settlement of Church-and-State affairs in these conquered islands. Surely all these things are logically encouraging to the Papacy; for did not the pope several years ago acknowledge the United States as the child of Rome?
The Papacy is always solicitous for the victors if she can be allowed to assist them in her own way. So there has been a vast deal of hobnobbing between the government and Roman dignitaries ever since it was a foregone conclusion that the United States would, at least for a time, hold sway in the conquered provinces. It is held that the Roman Church must be helped onto a self-sustaining basis in Cuba, and that the priesthood must not be antagonized in the Philippines.
Logically, we are right here confronted with another proposition, namely, "that the subject of Indian education under the government contract system be reopened." This proposition is made openly by Cardinal Gibbons in a petition to Congress. Many of our readers know what this system is, but perhaps many do not. Some years ago, under what was known as President Grant’s "peace policy" in dealing with the uncivilized Indians, contracts were made with various missions for the education of these Indians. At first teachers were practically appointed by the religious denominations, but paid by the government; but, to avoid the appearance of Church-and-State union (which it really was, for they all taught religion according to their denominational tenets), the formal contract system was adopted. As a matter of fact, this did not relieve even the appearance of that evil—and here is the way that fact came to be realized: In course of time the Roman Catholic Church was receiving more money from the government for Indian education than all the Protestant denominations combined. According to Cardinal Gibbons’ petition, that church received in 1886, $118,343; in 1887, $194,635; in 1888, $221,169; in 1889, $347,672; in 1890, $356,957.
These enormous gains from year to year, and the fact that the Catholics were far outstripping the Protestants in the contest for public funds, at last convinced the Protestants that the whole system was wrong. The Baptists were the first to see it, altho they were the first to solicit and to receive government aid in their work. Then they declined to receive any more government funds, and other Protestants followed their example. Of course this brought a strong pressure upon the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and the whole contract system was stopped. This was a cause of great grief to the Catholic Bureau at Washington, and many of the "knowing ones" in political circles ascribe to this cause the defeat of President Benjamin Harrison for the second term.
Be that as it may, the revival of the Indian contract agitation by Cardinal Gibbons just at this time is significant. It would be a fine scheme for "civilizing" and "Christianizing" the "Indians" in Cuba, in Porto Rico, and in the Philippines—there are millions of them in the latter province. Then there are hosts of teachers—priests and sisters—already on the ground, who have just been thrown out of government support by Spain’s defeat, and "must not be antagonized" by the United States Government.
The outcome of the cardinal’s petition can not be divined as yet, but he and several other high dignitaries of "the church" are so intimate with the government, and they are all such astute politicians, that it is not to be supposed for a moment that the petition would have been introduced without some good assurances of support. These are red-letter days for Roman Catholic influence with the Government of the United States. W. N. G.
