The Imperial Presidency
By C. S. Longacre
"THE EMPEROR-PRESIDENT" IN THE FOOT-PRINTS OF JULIUS CÆSAR.
[In Three Articles. This Is the Third.] IF Abraham Lincoln were permitted to rise from among the dead and examine the present apostasy from and repudiation of republican principles, would he not again exclaim with increased emphasis, "These are bad times, and seem out of joint"? What would he say to those representative men who claim that it is their duty "to resist the crazy extension of the doctrine that government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed," and that from henceforth they must act upon the principle that "governments derive their just powers from the consent of some of the governed," and who say that "the Declaration of Independence, . . . that declares that all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, if that is to be literally construed, there never was a greater falsehood palmed off by the devil upon a credulous world," and that "a Constitution, a national policy, adopted by thirteen half-consolidated, weak, rescued colonies, glad to be able to call their life their own, can not be expected to hamper the greatest nation in the world," and that government can be conducted "without the Constitution," and, in the matter of supplying good government to people, "it matters little whether the ballot has much or little to do with the process"? Would he not reply to those vicious interpretations of the Declaration of Independence, and to those subverters of the Constitution, as he replied once before in its defense: "The people of these United States are the rightful masters of both Congress and courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution"?5 Would he not exclaim to those who now claim to be hampered by the Declaration and Constitution as he exclaimed before: "The assertion that 'all men are created equal' [and that government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed] was of no practical use in effecting our separation from Great Britain, and it was placed in the Declaration, not for that but for future use; its authors meant it to be, as, thank God, it is now proving itself, a stumbling-block to all those who, in after times, might seek to turn a free people back into the hateful paths of despotism"? Would he not write in letters of gold upon the standards of the oppressed but liberty-seeking people of earth everywhere the words he once uttered: "If there is anything which it is the duty of the whole people to never intrust to any hands but their own, that thing is the preservation and perpetuity of their own liberties and institutions;" that "the doctrine of self-government is right—absolutely and eternally right"? Would he not inscribe in burning characters on the lintel of every threshold of the congressional halls those other words, dear to every true American, that "no man is good enough to govern another man without that other's consent. I say this is the leading principle, the sheet-anchor of republicanism. Our Declaration of Independence says so. . . . Allow all the governed an equal voice in the government, and that, and that only, is self-government. . . . When the white man governs himself, that is self-government; but when he governs himself and also another man, that is more than self-government—that is despotism. . . . In our greedy chase to make profit, . . . let us beware lest we tear to pieces even the white man's charter of freedom. . . . Feeling prosperity, we forget right—that liberty is a principle we have ceased to revere. . . . Stand with anybody that stands right. Stand with him while he is right, and part with him when he goes wrong. . . . To desert such ground because of any company is to be less than a Whig—less than a man, less than an American. . . . I do not for any cause propose to destroy, or alter, or disregard the Constitution; I stand to it, fairly, fully, and firmly." Abraham Lincoln is dead and gone, but did there perish with him the true spirit of justice, loyalty, and freedom? The greedy spirit to make gain by any means, lawful or unlawful, has crushed out of the hearts of many American citizens, in this, the hour of temptation, every virtue of loyalty to constitutional restrictions and privileges, every sense of human justice and individual rights, and every well-spring issuing the pure essence of life, liberty, and happiness. This is not theory, it is a fact, demonstrated in actual events. A thief knows that it is wrong to steal before he steals. Then why does he steal?—Because he entertains impulses of wrong in his heart until they outgrow those of right, and when the decisive hour of temptation presents itself, they break their guarded restraints, and the man becomes the slave of his own passions and desires. Republican forms of government are possible only, and can exist only, as long as the individual men of the government can govern their own lives on moral principles, and be the masters of their own appetites, passions, and inclinations; they can exist only while men are willing to stand by duty and principle in preference to pleasure and gain, and justice and freedom, rather than maternal expediency and political, domineering aspirations. A republic is a government "of the people, by the people, and for the people." The government is "of the people," and the people are governed "by the people," "for the people;" that is, they are governed by themselves, for themselves. The stability and possibility of a republic lasts only as long as the Constitution and the spirit of its principles and life reign in the hearts of the people who compose the government. As long as the Constitution abides in the hearts of the people, it is "of the people" and "for the people," and they are willing to be governed "by the people;" but if in the course of time the hearts of the people should change and become different from those who framed the Constitution, it must follow also of necessity that the Constitution will no longer meet the wishes of the people. It is then no longer a Constitution "of the people," nor "for the people," and they are not willing to be governed any longer "by the people." In the very nature of the case, one of two things must change—the republic or the hearts of the people. If the republic is to stand, the hearts of the people which are at enmity with the Constitution must change, and revere it, and stand by it, "fairly, fully, and firmly." A departure from this obligation, this privilege, this principle, means the downfall of the republic. Mark well, it is an established fact, shown in the declaration of representative men, that the greatest nation in the world is not going to be hampered by the Constitution drawn up by thirteen half-consolidated, weak, rescued colonies, and that they are going to rule the Philippines without their consent and against their will, that they will rule them "without the Constitution." Do you not see that in reality and practise the Constitution and all the essence of a true republic have already fled out of the hearts of those who hold to these things? It is not the paper upon which the Constitution is written that holds a republic together, but the spirit that dwells within the hearts of its people and public servants. We might have a despotism under the name of a republic. Its appearances and pretensions may be profuse, but its real character and life gone. A noted historian writes: "So surely as a republic passes away, a despotism takes its place. It may be an elective despotism, but it is none the less a despotism. It may indeed be a despotism of the many—of the majority. . . . Shortly after this it becomes a despotism of a few. And at last, erelong too, it becomes a despotism of one." With these axiomatic principles constantly kept in view, we will be able to see the utter impossibility of preventing this republic, if it continues and persists in its present onward course of imperialism, of conquests and subjections, from changing into a military empire. Another statement to be borne in mind is that long-established constitutional bulwarks are not to be swept out of existence by a momentary vote, but that, in every instance in the past, its change had to be ratified by the sacrifice of thousands. If the records of history are worth anything, they do establish this fact and teach this lesson that the transition from a republic to an empire is a troublesome, fearful, and bloody transition. And why should all this be? A once liberty-loving people, and a liberty-seeking people, just emerging from tyranny, will not, under any compromise, allow themselves to be oppressed while their equals enjoy the increase of liberty which they have lost, and of which it is intended to rob them. If the people were all Christians, they would endure oppression without a murmur, without dissent, unless the powers would come in conflict with the requirements of God and attempt to rule conscience. But, as it is, the majority are not Christians. Truly, honestly laying aside all political preferences and attachments, and making our decision upon what is absolutely right and humane, and standing by principle, virtue, and justice instead of party, greed, and material expediency, are we not obliged to say, and to say out of sorrowful hearts, "justice standeth afar off, and equity can not enter"? The glory of the republic is departed, and its inhabitants live in thraldom. The authors and propounders of American liberty, justice, and independence are dead and gone, yet their words survive, not in the hearts of the people, but on old paper. The Constitution's guardians seem to be at enmity with it and with all who hold to it. Truly, in the words of Abraham Lincoln, "its authors meant it to be, as, thank God, it is now proving itself, a stumbling-block to all those who, in after times, might seek to turn a free people into the hateful paths of despotism." The same is true of the Declaration of Independence. You may ask, What is the good of writing all this? We see in it the handwriting of God. We see in it all, in the light of prophecy, the final sign of all signs which were to foretell the end of human history, and be the prelude of a time of trouble among nations such as never was since there was a nation. The storm is coming. Are you ready? If not, "get ready, get ready, get ready." We not only want to know and get ready, but we wish to put these sacred truths upon fresh and new paper, and spread them like autumn leaves, so that honest hearts may be vivified and catch new rays of hope of the coming King and kingdom, at the end of this threatening universal catastrophe. "Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect." "Follow peace with all men, and holiness, without which no man shall see the Lord."