SPEECH OF MR. O'BYRNE

Publishing Committee · Battle Creek, Mich. · Sep 1, 1859

SPEECH OF MR. O'BYRNE

The world is my home; My brethren all mankind.

The committee who have organized this meeting have immortalized themselves. They should be known as the immortal ninety-nine, and—think the comparison far-fetched if you please—their object is only second in importance to that achieved and worked out by that band of moral heroes whose signatures will be handed down to the remotest posterity as protesters against the servitude imposed upon this country during its existence as a colony. Our Christian brethren—for as they call themselves, par excellence—have mistaken the genius of the Gospel. They have imbibed it by intuition; they have absorbed certain vague impressions with their mother's milk; and, though unable to fortify themselves with truths as arguments, seek to compel all others to think, feel and act precisely as they think, feel and act themselves. (Cries of "true," and cheers.) For this, gentlemen, we cannot blame them, any more than we blame an infant for wearing long clothes. We only protest against that sort of coercion which would compel us to see through the particular kind of spectacles which suit their eyes. (Laughter.) When we come to compare the doctrines of Christianity, as it is understood or professed to be understood, by the Pharisees who wrest from us our rights, it is wonderfully inconsistent. If they carried out the doctrines of the Old Testament, they found that the seventh day of the week was consecrated as a day of rest. When we take the Christian dispensation, we are told that the Man of Nazareth came to originate a new order of things. Christ healed the leper at the pool of Bethesda upon the Sabbath-day, and justified himself before the people. He plucked the ears of corn upon the Sabbath-day, and ate them as he walked, while David fed, when hungered, upon the shew-bread that lay upon the holy altar. Instead of respecting the Sabbath on the seventh day, the churches of the present day ignore its sanctity, and observe as sacred the first day of the week instead. This they have a right to do, but to coerce an imitation of their example they have no right. The only argument within their entire magazine of opposition is prejudice. They fulminate upon us the terrors of proscription, and will endeavor to ruin what they cannot rule. I have no enmities to gratify—no passions to subserve. We want only the truth, and "he whom the truth makes free is free indeed." Here the free air of heaven is virtually shut out from our toiling myriads. To Almighty God they cannot lift up their hearts in his fields, and by the brooks where ripple his waters, and where the pure air is uncontaminated by the pent up odors of a large city. The ministers raise their hands against this. They say, "Here is a church—you must worship God here or he won't listen to you." What blasphemy! (Applause.) The minister is idle six days in the week. He wears a white necktie, lives in the lap of luxury, and is pampered into arrogance by his people. (Cheers.) He forgets that, to support him in indolence, to keep his hands soft, his person attired in broadcloth, and his table laden with all the luxuries of the season, the rest of the world are toiling to support him. (Applause.) That the temples erected for him are erected by money wrung from the hard hand of labor, and by sweat from the brows of men of toil—for your capitalists who grow rich, grow rich upon the profits of the poor man's time. (Applause.) We may yet retaliate upon them. Suppose we were to tax their churches, what would then be the result? At the present they escape free from taxation. All the millions invested in church property rest unproductive, and, so much more, gentlemen, must you and I pay toward the expenses of the government. Introduce an act into the Legislature to tax the property, and thus reduce the salaries of the ministers, and what a whining there would be! We should find no more aggression upon our rights, for they know that capitalists would cease to build expensive churches, and the panoply of their mummeries would pale into insignificance. If they oppress us I say, let them in return be taxed. When this is done you will find equity instead of tyranny, tolerance instead of bigotry. When the shoe pinches you will find where the sore corn is. When they pay for the maintenance of their avowed principles, you will find a scattering among them and a rattling among the dry bones. I remember

a case in point. A man of small brain and large wealth, who occupied the position of member in a Methodist church, was once exhorting in a love-feast about the freedom of the gospel, and the particular abundance of that kind of bread known in camp-meeting parlance as the "bread of life." The brother went on something in this way: "Brethren, I'宁 bin a Methodist for more than twenty year. I've enjoyed all the privileges o' the blessed gospel ah, and I've sot at the Lord's table ah, and I've been at the love-feasts ah, and I've had the witness of the sperrit within me that I've been sealed a child of the covenant ah. And brethren, the hull o' these blessed privileges never cost me a red cent ah!" There happened to be a liberal sort of a person among the crowd, and he responded, "I'm glad to hear it, brother. God bless your stingy soul!" (Great laughter.) This is the sort of liberality you will find among the Pharisees of Philadelphia, and among Pharisees in general. As Southey justly said, "What damned error is there, that some simple soul will not espouse it, and sustain it by a text?" These laymen who follow in the wake of their canting shepherds are but the blind led by the blind. They are religious Rip Van Winkles. This sea of heads will wake them up, if I mistake not. We shall see.

SPEECH OF MR. O'BYRNE.

Mr. John O'Byrne said, where myriads assembled it indicated a revolution at hand. The people were anxious to have a repeal of the crushing law of 1794. (Cries of "That's so," and cheers.) There must be no beating around the bush. (Cheers.) Mr. O'Byrne gave a history of the institution of the Sabbath. There was not a line of scripture enjoining the cessation of the cars running on the first day of the week. Constantine was the author of the sacred character of Sunday 321 years after Christ, but then it was left optional with people whether to work or not on that day. It was long subsequent that a suspension of one's favorite pursuit, and a virtual transfer of the Sabbath day to Sunday was enacted by law. Unfortunately for us, we are suffering from a requirement even more odious, and have to battle with the chief ecclesiastical powers of the day. Mr. O'Byrne elaborated at considerable length his views as to the course to be pursued, but after so many able efforts already made, there remained little more to be said. He was very warmly applauded at the close of, and at intervals between his remarks.

THE SUNDAY QUESTION—FROM THE QUINCY, (ILLS.,) HERALD.

One of the most exciting questions that has ever yet disturbed the politics of this country is yet to be decided. At present it cuts but a small figure in deciding election contests, but it is gradually assuming a shape that is destined to give it consequence and importance. It is a question that will have to be met by men and parties. It is neither a local nor a sectional question. It will have its two sides in all parts of the country. At present it is confined to the cities, but it is gradually becoming a theme of absorbing interest, and will not be set aside until it shall have engrossed the attention and interest, and received the judgment, whatever it may be, of the people of country and town alike. We refer to the Sunday question, in which are involved the constitutionality, the policy and the expediency of laws enforcing a religious observance of the Sabbath. Sooner or later, every citizen will be required to array himself upon one side or the other of this question. The real question will be whether it is proper to enact, or to continue in existence laws that require, at the hands of all the citizens, a religious observance of any one day of the week in preference to any other. If it is determined that one day of the week shall thus be set apart, then it will have to be determined what day of the week it shall be. The constitutions of all the States guarantee equal rights to all the citizens, so far as their religions are concerned. To the Jew who observes Saturday as the day of rest and as a Sabbath, and to the Presbyterian who observes Sunday as the Sabbath, equal rights are guaranteed. Shall the Jew be compelled to observe Sunday? Or shall the Presbyterian be compelled to observe Saturday? Or shall both be permitted to do just as they please on Saturday and Sunday? And if so, shall the Germans also be permitted to observe either or both days as to them shall seem best? These are some of the phases that this question is destined to assume. And the question will have to be met. Those who dodge it now will be forced to take a position. There will be no escaping, no dodging it. It will turn the tide of elections. There will be a large party on both sides. Which party will prevail, it is now impossible to tell. Although Sunday laws are not now enforced in any of the cities—although there are in most of them theatres, and concerts, and balls, and open beer houses and saloons, on Sunday, it cannot be disguised that a large and respectable portion of every community are opposed to what they regard as a desecration of a day which they have been educated to believe was designed to be respected and observed in a far different way. At present they are quiet, making no public opposition to these Sunday amusements. But they will not remain so very long. They will rouse themselves for battle, in their own good time. Then will come the struggle. Then—we shall see—what we shall see. These suggestions are not made at this time for the purpose of influencing anybody upon one side or the other of this question. They are made because the signs of the times justify them. Men in office, or men out of office who would rather be in, may dodge and temporize with the issue, for a time, as they please. But the fact stands out, that the Sunday question is destined inevitably to become the great absorbing question of political agitation. Mark well the prediction.