Our Duty and the Nation.
By John Harvey Waggoner
Our brethren have generally desired to be as harmless as doves; there is also a commandment connected with this, to be as wise as serpents. It strikes me that this wisdom is very much needed at the present time. While men's hearts are failing them, it is not surprising that the minds of God's people should be strongly exercised in our present critical position. That our position is a critical one I need not argue, though I fear some have not sufficiently realized this, as they seem to think and act as if the crisis was sprung upon them unawares. Such are usually tried with Bro. White's position on the nation. I must confess that at first sight I was somewhat startled by his article; but on carefully reading it I freely expressed my opinion that it would result in good to the cause, and this opinion has been greatly strengthened both by reflection and observation. That it brought relief to many minds, none can deny; and some who oppose its position have yet freely used it, by showing it to opposers to silence their opposition. To such I would ask, If the position is unlawful, can it be lawful to avail ourselves of its benefits? That there is a principle involved in this question, none will deny; but where does it tend? Will it lead133us to resist the present action of the government? I think not. I fear our feelings in this crisis have been too selfish—quite too destitute of gratitude toward those who are exerting themselves for our good. It is possible for us to work our minds up to feel that we are martyrs, where no wrong or oppression has been intended; but to do so would be highly fanatical, and result in our shame. One freak of fanaticism, at such a time as this, would work more injury to the cause than could be undone in years, and we have no time to spend in correcting such a work now. Let all be careful, and endeavor to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace. Divisions will weaken and destroy us. That we should feel grateful toward our government and rulers, instead of denouncing their action, is evident to my mind from several considerations: 1. A draft is not an act of oppression, but of necessity. All human governments depend on the war power for their existence. Our government is doubtless in some respects, the best on earth, but it is no exception to the above declaration. It is not reduced to the necessity of making a desperate struggle for existence, and that it should call on the militia of the States to act in defense of our common rights, is certainly no strange thing. 2. The design of the government in drafting, is not to oppress, but to defend. We should remember that the efforts of our rulers, and of the thousands of men on the field of battle, who are toiling, bleeding, and dying, are all made in our defense. They are doing all to perpetuate the privileges that we have all our lives enjoyed, and still enjoy. This certainly presents a wide difference between their actions and those of persecutors, such as are noticed in Dan. iii and Acts v. Those who find a parallel here must lose sight of motives, without which moral actions cannot be truly measured. All objections that I have yet heard urged are fully met by this consideration. It has been urged that some have volunteered under the influence of Bro. White's article. This is a great mistake, because the article cannot be so construed as to exert any such influence. I think in all such cases there is but a revulsion of fanatical feeling; and I am the last to depreciate anything that will separate between the true and pretended friends of the cause of God. I heartily concur in Bro. White's remarks on petitions. At a special session of the Legislature in Iowa, a general bill has been passed exempting from military service those who are conscientiously opposed thereto, on their payment of $100,00 as an equivalent. This may be all right, and the intention of the Legislature may have been good, yet I cannot refrain from astonishment that any should regard this result as an answer to prayer. My present conviction is that I would sooner suffer the result of a draft, and trust in God for the consequences, than to accept a $100,00 valuation of my conscience. I consider it not only doubtful in principle, but inefficient as a practical measure of relief. Not over one in one hundred, if so many, could avail themselves of its provisions, while the poor, the great mass of our brethren, whose consciences are as tender and as valuable as those of the rich, stand precisely where they would stand without it. Beyond this, it divides the interest of the brotherhood; for some will rest secure on this provision, and thus their sympathies be in a measure withdrawn from the trial of their poorer brethren. "Let brotherly love continue." Were I a citizen of that State, such a law would bring no relief to me; but if it would, I would scorn to accept relief on a money consideration, while one poor brother was oppressed because of his poverty. There are some considerations that have cheered me up under the thought of impending trials and dangers. The third angel's message is the work of God. His hand has been in the work all along; and I do not believe he has called us out so far, and led us by his truth and his Spirit, to leave us in the wilderness to perish at such a time as this. And he has chosen his own instruments to do his work, and guided them according to his will; and we who love this truth have seen too much of God's leading in the past to falter and distrust his fatherly care now. We want A faith that shines more bright and clear
When tempests rage without;
That, when in danger, knows no fear,
In darkness feels no doubt.
We want union. Division is Satan's choice work. Let us beware, for "rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft, and stubbornness as iniquity and idolatry." May the Lord spare his people, and bring not his heritage to reproach. Burlington, Mich., Sept. 21, 1862.