The Schemes of Louis Napoleon.
A WRITER in one of the circular issues of New York, dated Sept. 5, 1863, publishes that, in 1857, he made the acquaintance of a gentleman of somewhat distinguished character, who had been the intimate friend of a certain Mr. Muller, the companion and counsellor of Louis Napoleon, in the days of his banishment, and from whom he obtained possession of some very remarkable Napoleonic secrets, which we repeat. It appears from what he thus elicited, in accordance with all the accounts, that the dream of Louis Napoleon's whole life was his accession to the throne of France; and that such was his aptitude for reverie, and facility for speculative development, that he had three large volumes, at the time he was in this country, filled with his plans for attaining the grand aim of his ambition. The secrets referred to, are contained in the general run of this imperial programme, framed so long in advance, and in the filling out of which thus far there has not occurred a single variation. The attempt to take France with about sixty followers, in the steamboat City of Edinburgh, was distinctly marked out in these volumes. The calculation was, that the electric fire which always runs in the French veins, and which is known as "glory," would burst into a universal glow at the watchword of Napoleon; while the counter view and calculation for defeat, was contained in a marginal note, to the effect, that should he fail, the conviction that he was an easily-handled, soft-brained fool, would make him only the more eligible with the scheming sharpeners of European politics, as a future candidate. It was to help this latter calculation entirely, that the performance with the same eagle was thrown in. "The eagle," said Muller, "will catch the fools, if we succeed; it will catch the sharpeners, if we lose. In playing for the minds of men, we must never forget the two divisions of society." This latter calculation was undoubtedly justified by the manner in which the intriguing leaders in French politics afterwards seized upon Louis Napoleon, almost by common consent, as their candidate for the position of Prince President. "They thought they had the man of the same eagle," said Muller; "but they got nothing better than the Corsican wolf." Muller did not go back to Europe with Louis Napoleon; but he confidently expected to be sent for as soon as his protégé should arrive at power. When, however, he found himself neglected, nay, forgotten by his aspiring pupil, in the grand dazzle of events which always buzz and sparkle round a throne, he sunk into a deep dejection. About a year after Louis became Emperor, Muller died in obscurity and poverty in Howard Street, in 1853. Coming into possession of these Napoleonic ideas only second hand, this writer says that he did not attach much importance to them, till he saw the opening portion of them come exactly true in the Italian campaign. That was Louis' second great move toward the unity of the Latin race. His first was his endeavor to raise Spain to the grade of a first class European power. "Now, as to the Italian campaign," says this writer, "I saw the programme come exactly true, and particularly saw that unexpected peace, which was tendered in the full flow of triumph, laid down as a double victory, inasmuch as in addition to feats of war, it conquered an alliance and friendship from a powerful and otherwise implacable foe. The object of the war was to make an alliance with Austria, and bring Italy so under his control, that he might unify her when he would." Louis Napoleon's darling idea is to establish a dynasty. The Latin race is to compose the body, and France the head. As early as 1857, he commenced preparing the mind of France for the union of the Latin race, by pamphlets from various writers on that subject. And in all cases these pamphlets spoke sneeringly of the Anglo-Saxon race, and indicated that Catholicity, properly applied, was the synthetic bond and impulse that would carry the Latin race to the resumption of its early empire over the world. "Without that synthetic idea," said one enthusiastic writer, in 1859, "we never can make France mistress of the world!" And what comes still closer home, this writer informs us that Muller frequently declared, that Louis Napoleon intended to divide this republic into two conflicting parts: and that after we had become so weakened as to be unable to assist England, which is our natural ally, he intended to attack her. That it was to be his first policy, to ingratiate himself with England—to show a continual unwillingness to act without her co-operation, but always to deceive her. This idea was expressed in the Napoleonic manuscript by the term of "flattering the old ox"—these words being chosen probably because Bull was at last to be slain. The number of soldiers set down in the Napoleonic manuscript for our invasion was 75,000—a force which, under the then condition of affairs, might be considered as equal to 200,000 now. With these, it was Louis' notion to get a footing in Louisiana, which he claimed to be really the property of France, by virtue of the non-fulfillment of the conditions of the cession. He used to say, that the greatest mistake his uncle ever made, was the sale of the vast territory of Louisiana to the United States—it should be the aim of France to recover that territory, and, by way of doing so, and of holding it in our despite, the slaves were to be made free and converted into soldiers. "I want no better material than is to be found in them," said Napoleon; "and so long as they are not emancipated by the United States, there is an empire ready in that quarter for whoever can give them liberty and arms. Once mine, I shall never dread losing them or the territory they defend." With these ideas in his mind over twenty-six years ago, it is not difficult to believe that the Southern rebellion was in part inspired by Louis Napoleon, and that it has been through some secret understanding between him and its leaders, that the latter have counted so firmly, from the start, on foreign intervention. It was stated previous to the rebellion, in two of the Richmond papers, and in one in Alabama, that Louis Napoleon would help the South in a war against the North. To show how well settled this idea of dividing the United States was with Napoleon, we have the word of Pierre Soulé that Louis once seriously asked him "how he would like to become President of a Southern Republic!" He was then undoubtedly dreaming of its ultimate seizure for himself! The Napoleon manuscript, which was written more than twenty-six years ago, avowed, that as soon as he, Louis Napoleon, should obtain control over the South, he would abolish Slavery. The remark of Napoleon to Pierre Soule, which was made during a visit of the latter from his legation at Madrid, to Paris, suggests that Louis, more than likely, gave impulse to the Ostend diplomatic meeting. He certainly inspired the raid on Cuba, and incited the insult to our flag on the Black Warrior; but he did not press the matter on the Spaniards, because events were not ready for his purpose. It was necessary, before he began to wrestle with the Great Republic, that he should first secure allies, and, in fact, effect a great coalition against it. His theory on this point, as originally laid down in the manuscript, was to begin first with Russia, next Austria, next Spain—fighting each in detail, if it were necessary, to effect the kind of alliance he wanted, but wheedling England all the while—to use his own words—"feeding the old ox." Witness how he used England in the Crimean war; how he cajoled and quieted her, while he was reconstructing Latin Italy, and taking Savoy and Nice; and how, at every footstep of our troubles, he has constantly put England forward to provoke our animosity. Notwithstanding the similarity of faith and institutions between the English and ourselves, he has so used the aristocratic government of England, as to exasperate us with the deepest wrongs, and make the destruction of England the first wish of the American heart. On the other hand, he has not permitted an iron-clad or confederate pirate to be constructed in any of his ports; and we have heard of no blockade runner flying the French flag. His diplomacy in the matter of our troubles has been complete; and while he has lulled our suspicions, by directing our attention to "the old ox," he has been silently preparing, under the false cover of the Polish question, to descend upon our coasts. The Napoleonic notes provided, that after this country was reduced, England was to be deprived of all our allies, and then, along with its religion, swept away. Germany was to be deceived by him, with an offer of a throne in Mexico, or South America, to some of its aspiring princes. Protestant and Catholic Germany were to occupy each other in exterminating strife—a thing that could easily be effected and prolonged, if England were not too weak to side with Prussia in the contest. Your readers can judge for themselves if England has not been played almost to a point of helplessness already, when the Saturday Review, in its last issue, lamented that, for some reason or other, Britain stands to-day, among the nations, without a friend in the world. France, on the other hand, stands at the head of European powers, with all of them obsequious to her, and ready and eager to recognize her new transatlantic empire, and do her bidding in regard to it. Observe also the following expressions concerning Napoleon and his most recent developments. The Philadelphia Press, has the following editorial observations on Napoleon's recent address to the French Legislature: "Fifty years hence he may be understood, but to his contemporaries he is a mystery. Of all modern statesmen his policy is the most dark and silent; his purposes are inscrutable; his principles are undefined. Would he aid the Turks against Russia? No one knew till the Crimean war was virtually begun. The improbability of a war with Austria was urged, and believed up to the very moment of hostilities.35And now all the world is wondering if France will espouse the cause of revolted Poland, and for the third time this century make war upon the Czar. The Emperor seems to believe, with Talleyrand, that speech was invented to enable man to conceal his thoughts. His recent address to the French Legislature, ostensibly a declaration of his policy, is, in reality, another veil drawn over that already hidden. It is an enigma which has a hundred solutions, of which ninety-nine are certainly wrong, and even the one is in conjecture. It is positively affirmed that this speech means war; it is positively affirmed that it means peace. Who shall judge between authorities equally intelligent and trustworthy? The Emperor has not taken the French Legislature into his confidence, and has not revealed to the world his purposes.' He has, however, proposed a Congress of European sovereigns, to settle the Polish question, it is pretended, as the only means of evading war! An article, in the Paris Patrie, says, this does not so much mean peace, as the liberty of peoples. La France newspaper publishes, that 'The refusal of England and Austria to co-operate actively on the Polish question engenders a European question. Upon the table of the Congress, the Emperor will open the great book of the liberty of nations, to establish public right anew; to clear away ruins from European soil; to reconstruct a new edifice, founded upon the well-understood interests of sovereigns and nations; to blot out injustice and oppression; to constitute governments in accordance with manners, history, and civilization; to make a new Europe, like society itself. This programme is a justification of the words, 'the empire is peace.'' The Constitutional argues the necessity of establishing a new public law, as peace does not exist in the present day, but armaments ruin all. The Congress proposed by the Emperor would accomplish the work of universal progress and general civilization. The editorial of The Press, from which we have quoted, very well says, 'It seems more probable, now that the Emperor has spoken, that Poland, a blind Samson, will drag to the earth the pillars that upheld European peace.' We believe the approaching year will develop wonders in the affairs of this world. The day of God's judgment of the nations is at hand. Let us not sleep as do others.