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Review and Herald, Vol. 86, No. 2.

Waiting for the Morning

Review and Herald

Jan 14, 1909

Review and Herald Publishing Association · Takoma Park Station, Washington, D. C. · Jan 14, 1909

Waiting for the Morning

By Day Dawn

There is no roof in all the world, Of palace or of cot, That hideth not some burdened heart Nigh breaking for its lot! The earth is filled with pain and tears, And closer draws the gloom; And light or balm there can be none Till Christ, the Lord, shall come.
My Saviour, who doth know the thirst The longing spirit feels— O Bridegroom, now so long afar, Why stay Thy chariot wheels? Were ever eyes so dim with tears, Breasts so oppressed with care? Did ever hearts so yearn to catch Thy whisper from the air?
Thou lonely one, lift up thy head; Array thee for the feast; He that hath tarried long is near; The glow is in the east! O Morning Star, so soon to lead Thy chosen ones away— O Sun of Righteousness, bring in The everlasting day!
— Day Dawn.

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Delay No Longer

THE triumph of the gospel is a triumph which as far exceeds all earthly victories as the things of eternity exceed the things of time. There is nothing on earth so important, nothing that involves so much. To have a part in it is the most glorious opportunity that can come to man. It means life everlasting; glories that can not fade, joys that never pass away, peace that can not be disturbed. The soldier of this world risks his life for a little glory that can not abide. The soldier of Jesus Christ sacrifices the unsatisfying things of this life, and is made partaker of all things that endure. How short our view when we choose our own way here, the things that please our fancy, the associations that minister to our pleasure, when such a choice stands in the way of our undivided service in the army of our King! As Christians, there is nothing we should desire so much as the return of our Lord; but the work he has commissioned us to do must first be done. “This gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in the whole world for a testimony unto all the nations; and then shall the end come.” Every selfish desire that we permit ourselves to entertain, every call of God we refuse to answer, delays the day of his coming. Let there be delay no longer. If there is to be delay no longer, there must be a complete cessation of self-service on our part, a quick response to every call to God’s service, and an unwavering determination to endure to the end, guided by his eye and strengthened with his might.

The Federal Council of Churches

The committee on week-day instruction in religion made a report from which we quote the following paragraphs:—
Under the American system, religious education in the public school, such as the churches require, can not be given. Nevertheless the right to religious instruction along denominational lines, can not be gainsaid. It is a right, an obligation, that rests primarily upon the parents, upon the family. In practise, however, it rests upon the church, to which in most cases the family has delegated this work. In other cases the church assumes the obligation in the fulfilment of her mission. But in no case does the church ask for the support and assistance of the state.
All that the church asks, is that she shall not be hindered in the fulfilment of her obligations, and practically prevented by the state from exercising her legitimate functions. The church is not an organization of yesterday. She has an individuality which the state is bound to respect. And particularly in the field of public education have her contributions been such as to entitle her to consideration. She asks for no subvention, either of money or of privilege, but she does ask that the state shall not stand in her way, shall not hinder her from doing the work to which she is called in the maintenance of her own existence. Such is undoubtedly the case when the public school's course of study is so arranged as to give the children only a meager opportunity of acquiring education in its highest relations, those of religion and the church of God.
In an effort to apply in a practical way the principles thus laid down, the committee declared:—
1. That there can be no true education without religion; to provide adequate religious instruction for their children is the duty of the churches, a primal and imperative duty.
2. That the hour at Sunday-school, the religious exercises of the public school, and the ethical instruction of the public school do not meet the requirements of “adequate religious instruction.”
3. That to provide religious instruction for their children is not only the duty of the churches, it is their inherited and inherent right, and this right should not be ignored or curtailed by the state in its arrangement of the course of school studies.
4. That whenever and wherever public sentiment warrants such a course, the public schools should be closed on Wednesday, or some other afternoon, for the purpose of allowing the children to attend religious instruction in their own churches. An allotment of eight per cent of school time for religion is not an immoderate allowance.
There was a somewhat prolonged debate upon these declarations, the representatives of the different denominations being divided in their sentiments. Bishops Neely and Cranston, of the Methodist Church, who heartily favored the action of the council in defining the Sabbath to be the first day of the week, and in asking for suitable legislation in its behalf, seemed to regain their clearness of perception concerning the right relations between the church and the state, and opposed any mixing of the functions of the public schools and the church. Accordingly the third paragraph was amended so as to read thus:—
That to provide religious instruction for their children is not only the duty of the churches, it is their inherited and inherent right. But it is the duty of parents to give instruction to their children, and this right should be fully recognized by the state in its arrangement of the course of school studies, which is right also, and calls for more time during the week-day to be given to religious instruction in the homes and churches of our land.
The committee on religion in higher institutions discussed in its report the problem of imparting religious instruction in colleges and universities, attempting to formulate some plan which would seem to recognize the separation of church and state, and at the same time furnish distinctively religious training even in State universities and undenominational institutions. In considering the matter, the committee stated:—
Under the old forms of government the structure of society was made stable by the combined authority of state and church. The church formulated standards for individual belief and conduct, and the state enforced them.
But with the growing trend toward democracy, the situation has changed. The state has surrendered to the individual conscience the control of personal conviction and a large control of individual conduct. The state has entrustedthe security and safety of society to the moral convictions of the individual. This fact necessitates an increased concern on the part of the state for individual morality. Self-preservation compels the state to seek an education system that will train its coming citizens to use their larger liberty in the direction of the state's welfare.
In reading these statements, one can hardly escape the conviction that the committee were inclined to believe that the union of church and state was in some respects desirable, and that the surrender by the state to the individual conscience of the control of personal conviction was a step fraught with considerable peril. It seems a very difficult matter for some thinkers to get away from the idea that the state is responsible for all that pertains to the welfare of its citizens, and to adopt that conception of the functions of the state which makes it an agency merely for the protection of its citizens in the enjoyment of their inherent rights.
Among the recommendations reported by this committee and adopted by the council were these:—
That the Federal Council of Churches recommends that the governing bodies of the several denominations represented in this council establish permanent bureaus, or boards, whose duty it shall be to co-operate with one another and with institutions of higher learning in an organized effort to improve, to systematize, and to maintain religious instruction and training in the educational agencies of our country.
That in view of the delicate and difficult conditions that surround the work of religious training in State universities and undenominational institutions, this federal council expresses its approval of the establishment of local pastorates and halls in such institutions by the various denominations from whom these institutions receive patronage, the special work of which pastorates shall be to provide religious instruction and inspiration to the students coming from their respective churches, and such other students as may choose to place themselves under their care.
If the council had been half as clear in its perception of the proper application of church and state principles to the subject of Sunday legislation as in the perception of the same principles when applied to the public school question, it would never have adopted a resolution demanding legislation in order to enforce the first day of the week as a day of rest and worship. This apparent blindness to true principle when dealing with the Sabbath question is significant, and indicates that while professing to maintain a separation of church and state, the advocates of Sunday legislation may be expected to urge the state to enact and enforce such laws as will compel all citizens to make a distinction between the first day of the week and other days, and that on purely religious grounds.
The great combination known as the Federal Council of Churches seemed to realize in some measure that it was capable of wielding great power, and it apparently felt like trying to apply this power not only to the affairs of state in America, but even to international questions. The committee on international relations, whose chairman was Henry Wade Rogers, LL.D., dean of the Yale University Law School, presented a report of considerable length, in which the responsibility of the churches for war was quite fully discussed, and the attitude of the council was thus set forth:—
1. It declares its conviction that war is evil, and that Christian nations should determine by obligatory arbitration the international differences which can not be settled by diplomacy. For Christian states in the twentieth century to refuse to arbitrate and to insist on war will be to bring reproach on the Christian name.
2. It favors the creation of the International Court of Arbitral Justice proposed by the Second Hague Conference, and hopes that the government of the United States will promote its establishment, and that at the earliest possible day.
3. It is opposed to increase of armaments, and deplores the failure of The Hague Conference to come to an agreement upon this all-important subject.
4. It has learned with much satisfaction that the government of the United States has recently entered into treaties of arbitration with some of the nations, and it trusts that without unnecessary delay other treaties of arbitration may be made with other states. It regrets that it seemed to the contracting powers to be desirable to limit the existence of these treaties to five years, and to restrict the subjects to be arbitrated to the somewhat narrow limits which the treaties define.
While it is very desirable that all international differences should be adjusted without an appeal to the sword, and while the acceptance of the true principles of Christianity would speedily bring to an end all wars of every kind, yet we do not find in the Scriptures any instruction to the church to pass upon the character of treaties made between nations, or to use its influence directly upon the governments in determining the conduct of diplomatic relations. The more the church loses sight of the fact that its great commission is to preach the gospel to individuals, and substitutes for this high calling the work of directing national and international affairs, the more will it lose its power to administer the trust committed to it, and the more it will become a mere adjunct of the state.
We have not attempted to give any complete report of this meeting of the Federal Council of Churches. Commendable ground was taken upon the question of temperance reform and family life, and attention was given to the question of religious instruction through the Sunday-school. We have selected for consideration in this report those actions which seem to be of the greatest significance in determining the general direction in which the influence of this council will be exerted, and which mark in the clearest way progress in the fulfilment of those portions of the prophetic Word which depict the course of events in this country in the near future.
It was the original intent of the leaders of this movement that the council should meet once in four years; but at the close of this first meeting, after a stirring debate over the proposal, it was voted to adjourn to meet at the call of the executive committee. It is thus made possible to have a meeting of this large and influential body whenever the executive committee may deem it advisable. We shall await with interest the results of this first meeting.

Editorial

By Editor

EVERY structure not of the Lord's designing will crumble; every work not authorized by him will come to naught; every plant that he has not planted will be rooted up. The triumph of truth and righteousness over falsehood and iniquity involves the utter removal from the kingdom of God of all things out of harmony with his purpose. He has promised that, and the day when that promise will be fulfilled is not long hence.

The Rise and Fall of Religious Liberty in America

By C. M. S.

Looking Toward Rome

In view of the invitation extended to Catholics by Sunday-enforcement advocates to join in the work of securing religious legislation in this country, we set forth in the last article the attitude of the Roman hierarchy toward this country and its fundamental laws. That attitude was shown to be plainly antagonistic in every particular. In view of that attitude, it is well to inquire what Rome proposes to do, and in what way she proposes to “co-operate” with those not of “the household of faith” in accomplishingthe reformation of the nation on principles approved or dictated by the Vatican. That she does not propose to be led by them, or even to co-operate with them on a plane of equality, is shown by the following:—
The Protestant, whether he believes it or not, is an infidel in germ; and the infidel is a Protestant in full bloom. Infidelity exists in Protestantism as the oak exists in the acorn, as the consequence is in the premise.—“Plain Talk,” part 3, prop. 18, page 243.
The Protestant is bound to be liberal to Catholics, but Catholics can not be liberal toward any party that rejects the church, and must hold them to be enemies of God; not on his own private judgment, but on the infallible authority of the church of Christ.—New York Tablet, Sept. 7, 1872.
It can not be supposed for a moment that Catholics will unite on a plane of equality in a religious work with “infidels” and “enemies of God,” much less that they should accept “infidels” and “enemies of God” as their leaders in the movement for the renovation of this country upon religious lines. If it be objected that the Catholic Church of to-day is not the same illiberal organization that she was in 1872, we have but to quote the words of Cardinal Gibbons to show that she is the same to-day in purpose and in methods that she has been for centuries. He says, in appealing to Protestants to come back to the mother church:—
In coming to the church, you are not entering a strange place, but you are returning to your Father’s home. The house and furniture may look odd to you. But it is just the same as your fore-fathers left it three hundred years ago.—“Faith of Our Fathers,” 43d edition, page 17.
Again he says:—
Amid the continual changes in human institutions, she [the Catholic Church] is the one institution that never changes. . . . She has seen monarchies changed into republics, and republics consolidated into empires—all this she has witnessed, while her own divine constitution has remained unaltered.—Ibid., page 83.
This should be enough to settle the question as to whether the Roman Church is a more liberal institution to-day than she was when she was burning, racking, and hanging those whom she chose to term heretics. But if further evidence were desired, the doubter has but to go to some country dominated by the papacy, such as Spain, Portugal, Peru, Bolivia, or Ecuador, and begin Protestant evangelistic services. The last remaining shred of doubt upon that point would be ruthlessly torn away by the first experiment. Rome is the personification of intolerance wherever it is possible for her to carry out her modus operandi. Says Cardinal Gibbons (“Faith of Our Fathers,” page 285): “She is indeed intolerant of error.”
In introducing this declaration, the cardinal says:—
In all my readings, I have yet to find one decree of hers [the Catholic Church’s] advocating torture or death for conscience’ sake.
The cardinal, then, has never read the bull of Innocent III, issued to his legate, Dominic, commanding him to put all the inhabitants of the city of Beziers, France, to the sword (“Du Pin,” Vol. II, page 151); in obedience to which sixty thousand Vaudois were buried beneath the ashes of the city, while the young boys and girls who were spared were turned over to the brutality of the soldiers. He has, then, never read the following utterance of Gregory VII (quoted by Cormenin, Vol. I, page 377):—
People and kings should kiss his [the pope’s] feet; Christians are irrevocably submitted to his orders; they should murder their princes, fathers, and children if he commands it.
It is difficult to understand how a cardinal of the church, versed in the history of the church, should never have read of the fate of Arnold of Brescia. Arnold was a republican, opposed to the whole hierarchical system, including the temporal power of the pope. He was condemned to silence by a council of the church at Rome, and was banished. But this did not satisfy, and he was seized, carried to Rome, condemned “by the judgment of the clergy,” and “executed by the officer of the pope.”—Milman’s “Latin Christianity,” Vol. IV, pages 270, 271.
Possibly, too, he has never read the following question and answer:—
Are heretics rightly punished with death? St. Thomas answers Yes, because forgers of money, or other disturbers of the state, are justly punished with death; therefore, also, heretics, who are forgers of the faith, and experience being the witness, grievously disturb the state.—“Dens,” page 89.
Protestants being declared infidels, it is worth while to inquire how the Roman Church proposes to deal with infidels. We find the answer in “Dens,” Vol. II, No. 53, page 83. It is there declared that infidels “are not to be tolerated; because they are so bad that no truth or advantage for the good of the church can be thence derived;” and they are to be dealt with without trial or proof, on the ground of being incorrigible and rebellious from the beginning. Infidelity “is not to be tried or proved, but extirpated,” subject only to the condition that the extirpation may be suspended where “there may be reasons which may render it advisable that it should be tolerated;” for instance, where the church does not have the power to extirpate it. She does not require its extirpation in this country now, for she does not feel able; but when she has the power, the duty to do so will follow, or the above means nothing. What her policy was when that instruction was given, it is to-day, if Cardinal Gibbons knows the policy of the church; and there can be no question as to that.
These, out of a mass of evidence that could be given, prove the cruel intolerance of the papal system, and the utterances of Cardinal Gibbons should be sufficient proof of the unchangeableness of the institution; while Rome’s declaration of her attitude toward Protestantism is sufficient proof that she will play no second part in any work she undertakes in this country toward the alteration of its institutions and its fundamental laws.
Said the Christian Statesman: “Whenever they [the Roman Catholics] are willing to co-operate in resisting the progress of political atheism, we will gladly join hands with them.” Now the whole scheme of the government of the United States is “political atheism” in the sight of the papacy, and the hierarchy is doing, and proposes to continue to do, all in its power to stamp out such atheism by changing the very foundation upon which the government rests. In the view of the papacy, Protestantism itself, as well as the government, is infidelity; and Rome’s contest is not merely against the government as it is, but against the whole Protestant fabric. She will use professed Protestantism against the government, while that serves her purpose; and then, when her purpose has been attained, she will use the government against Protestantism. It was in harmony with that purpose that Pope Leo XIII gave the following instruction to his subjects:—
All Catholics should do all in their power to cause the constitution of States, and legislation, to be modeled on the principles of the true church.—Encyclical of Leo XIII, 1885.
This is an authoritative declaration of purpose, and shows that, contrary to the claims of Catholics everywhere, Rome can still meddle in the temporal affairs of nations when it suits her purpose so to do. Her subjects in America, who owe first allegiance to the church, are commanded in this encyclical so to alter the Constitution as to bring it into harmony with the principles of the true church. When that change has been effected, all that America stands for will have been swept away, and all that America has accomplished for the enlightenment, liberty, and uplift of the world will have been undone. America as she did stand was a mighty protest against everything papal. America remodeled by the papacy to harmonize with her purpose, will be the antithesis of what she was established to be, the antithesis of everything that her founders hoped for. And it is to bring about such a change that the National Re-formers and allied organizations are inviting Catholic co-operation. What say the invited parties in reference to the proposed undertaking? Four years after the appearance of the encyclical of Leo XIII, commanding all Catholics to take up the work of bringing the Constitution and legislation of this country into harmony with “the principles of the true church,” the Catholic Lay Congress at Baltimore (Nov. 12, 1889) adopted the following pronunciamento:—
There are many Christian issues to which Catholics could come together with non-Catholics and shape civil legislation for the public weal. In spite of rebuff and injustice, and overlooking zealotry, we should seek an alliance with non-Catholics for proper Sunday observance.
Three years later came the Christian-nation decision of the United States, and Rome was not slow to grasp the advantage which that gave her. The decision was less than five months old when an article inspired by Vatican authorities was telegraphed from Rome to the New York Sun. The article was entitled “The Papacy and Nationality; Pope Leo and the United States,” and appeared in the Sun of July 11, 1892. After alluding to the aims of certain ecclesiastics in reference to this country, the writer says:—
But Leo XIII has a still higher aim. . . . In his view the United States has reached the period when it becomes necessary to bring about a fusion of all the heterogeneous elements in our homogeneous and indissoluble nation. . . . The church has always been the able collaborator of all people in the work of national unity. . . . What the church has done in the past for others, she will, said, do for the United States.
The founders of the American government did not feel the need of help from Rome. Rome had nothing which they felt they required in establishing a government of liberty and equality. What they feared was that they might be entrapped into adopting a policy which “would lead us back to the pope of Rome.” They knew what Rome had done for other countries and was still doing, and were in no way enamored of her course; and when she comes to us with such a promise of help, we instinctively ask ourselves what she has done for other nations. For answer we look to the Philippines, to the Central and South American states where no adverse administrations have interfered with her projects, and we turn away in pity over the sorrowful demonstration. Would she make another Philippines of the United States, and repeat here the record of robbery, rapine, and lust which the Taft Commission exposed there? Would she despoil the American people as she did the people of Mexico, of Peru? She has declared her intention of doing for us what she has done for other nations; she has organized a mighty federation of nearly all her numerous societies in this country for the avowed purpose of accomplishing her aims here; and deluded Protestants are striking hands with her in her first steps to that end.
With these influences and powers working as they are, it will not be long till the ripe plum of political and religious leadership will fall into the ready lap of Rome. When the facts are marshaled in their proper order, they look one way, they speak one language—they look toward Rome, they speak of oppression.
The next article, a recapitulation of the series, will close the study. C. M. S.

Just a Glance

By W. A. S.

THE Washington Post editorially warns Congress to be careful about unsettling legislation in panicky times. Looking out from this country, the Post sees the situation thus:—
Russia is disturbed by internal struggles. England has millions of unemployed men and women, and is in continual fear of war. Germany has its growth of socialism, its ruler is more or less humiliated, and its people are restive. France has its church strife and other turmoils, threatening to put an end to republican government. Japan is beset with financial difficulties. Austria faces war and the uncertainties of a change of rulers. Turkey is undergoing a revolution that may not remain peaceful. Most of the lesser countries are involved to some extent in political or financial difficulties.
The view falls short of larger Asia, with its peoples more restless than ever in modern history. These things show the fulfilling of Christ’s prediction of distress and perplexity of nations in the last days, and these are not signs for us merely to note as a matter of record, but rather signals to be earnestly at work. In every one of earth’s troubled nations we have a message to bear.
W. A. S.

A Fallen Worker

By W. A. S.

On December 29, Sister E. T. NOWLEN, of Central America, died at Graysville, Tenn. The sad message will reach her husband, Brother C. A. NOWLEN, somewhere in Central America, where he is engaged in the book work. Their knowledge of Spanish, gained in pioneer work in South America years ago, led to their call to Central America. They need not have gone. They had a pleasant prospect in the States, and conditions favorable for health. But there was the need,—some one must go,—and they responded.
Last April, while the father was away in the field, Sister NOWLEN, at Belize, buried their only child, Marjorie, about eight years old, who died of fever. The mother wrote:—
A few minutes before her death she said, “I know Jesus loves me, and will soon make me better.” I know he did; for while my own heart is breaking in loneliness and sorrow, she is peacefully sleeping, safe from all pain and suffering, and from the troubles that we know must try God’s remnant people. No, I would not recall her for one moment if I could, and even in my sorrow I see the gleams of that glad day when through his grace I shall clasp her in my arms once more. This is the only comfort I have, for she was my all, and O, the many plans we had made for her future! but God had something better, and I do not murmur. Only add your prayers to mine. It will be a sad blow to Mr. NOWLEN, but I know that the God of all comfort can sustain him also. He was so anxious to find a location in Guatemala so that our little one might get away from here before the heat of summer.
Later, in Guatemala, our sister was herself stricken with an intestinal difficulty very serious in the tropics, and came to the sanitarium at Graysville. The letters from her sick-room were always cheery, and full of unselfish thoughts for the work. When the Mission Board notified her that it would meet the expense of treatment, she wrote:—
This very fact only makes me doubly anxious to get well, for as I read of the many calls that are coming from every side, I feel that every cent should be going to those needy fields. I pray daily that the Lord will hasten my recovery if he sees best. . . . I rejoice to read of the good results from the Thanksgiving effort with the REVIEW. Surely we as a people will show our gratitude to God by making our [week-of-prayer] offering the largest it has ever been.
And within a few days she was called to lay down her own life, a precious offering on the altar of service. The spirit that puts the work of God first, and that leads the worker to press in wherever needed, is the spirit that will finish this work of witnessing in the next few years. Regardless of the gifts that made her a valued secretary in the conference work, our sister had that bright, cheery temperament that is a blessing in itself to any field. As we pray that God may sustain our Brother NOWLEN, who has yielded up both wife and child within the year, may the sacrifice of these lives for the mission fields lead all of us to join more earnestly in labor and sacrifice for the missionary cause. There is no place in this warfare to settle down at ease. W. A. S.
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