Review and Herald, Vol. 23, No. 13. (2/23/1864)

Review and Herald

Feb 23, 1864

The Seventh-day Adventist Publishing Association · Battle Creek, Mich. · Feb 23, 1864

The End Approaching.

By Uriah Smith

It seems that God is beginning to permit the South to eat the bitter fruits of their own doings. Their efforts to perpetuate the dire abomination of slavery, seem to be resulting only in their own destruction. The following extracts from Southern papers graphically set forth the extremities to which they are already reduced, and the gloomy prospect before them. It is not pleasant to contemplate scenes of suffering in any quarter; but yet the language of every heart must be, Let justice have its full work, whatever may be its dealings with slave tyrants and rebels. We are perhaps not to infer the immediate end of the war from these things; but yet we may hope that events are fast tending to the complete destruction of the slave power.

U. S.

That the bogus Confederacy is daily becoming more and more incompetent to maintain its own existence—that the war inaugurated by the south for the preservation of slavery, has only been its death-blow—that the rebel States have proven themselves incompetent to sustain or govern their own territory, no candid mind can doubt after reading the following articles from rebel sources. The first is an extract from an article which appeared in the Review, one of the most ably conducted papers of the south, edited by Mr. DeBow—for the publication of which article, entitled "Cotton no longer King," the editor was imprisoned and the Review suspended. The second from the Richmond Whip will be found an excellent study for Copperheads. They are getting to be almost as loyal over in Dixie as we could wish. A few more Chattanooga lessons will convert the whole rebellious population of the south.

After giving in a tabular statement the proportionate increase in the North and decrease in the South of agricultural products, butter, cheese, &c., Mr. DeBow says:

"We see in the above our road to progress; cotton has failed or will fail us; the negro has failed or will fail us; it is idle to hope longer to enjoy peacefully the proceeds of his labor when at this moment eighty thousand of his color are organized and hold arms in their hands to free their fellows. The longer the war is protracted the more violently will slavery be destroyed. For two years and a half we have waged war, and lost more than half the territory over which we asserted jurisdiction; the supply of cattle no longer comes from Texas, nor does cotton escape longer from the frontier to furnish us supplies. The Mississippi bears a hundred gun-boats, half of them iron-clad, that effectually prevent our occupation of any point along its entire course, or even the passage of it, except under cover of darkness and by stealth.

"The fruitful valleys of Kentucky and Tennessee have been desolated by war, and are held by the enemy. Arkansas, a large part of Louisiana, of Mississippi, of North Carolina and Virginia, have been held or are now held by the enemy, and have been exhausted by the supplies drawn by the contending armies. Nor can we regard Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina or Texas exempt from the march of heavy armies now organizing for the purposes of invasion.

"We will say to Congress and to President Davis that a careful study of the last Census Report of the United States will correct or destroy many perturbations in their minds as well as our own. Let them legislate so as to increase the number of cows and think no more of the negro. The land, then, instead of being desolated by war, and the inhabitants gaunt with privations and misery, will flow literally with milk and honey, as in times of yore.

"A census taken now, as recommended by His Excellency, Mr. Davis, in the same manner as that of 1860, over the districts where it might be effected, would show plainly the waste of war. How many men between the ages of eighteen and fifty would be found wanting? How many peaceful, industrious inhabitants would be found absent, having, through a thousand channels, found their way into the free States, actually filling up the houses in every part of that land, so that none are untenanted? How many of the houses in the region passed over by the contending armies would now be found occupied? How many negroes would be found absent, ready to return with muskets in their hands? How many horses, cattle, sheep and hogs would be found remaining? What has been the produce of our fields last year in cotton, sugar, corn, flour, peas, potatoes, cattle and bacon, and what amount remains unconsumed?

"But above all, what progress have we made? Is the slave power more secure than before we seceded? Are we in such a condition as to promise ourselves even with repudiation of all debts, both at home and abroad, exemption from duties and high taxation? What have we to hope for, both as regards slavery or the prospects of the Southern Confederacy?"

From the Richmond Whip, Jan. 16.

The cry is for great armies. Everybody is to be put into the ranks, except such as are detailed.

Very good, if by so doing we can end the war next year and be done with it.—But let us look at a few facts.

An army correspondent, writing from Longstreet's Corps, says there are 3,000 barefooted men in that corps alone. From Johnston's (late Bragg's) army comes a piteous appeal for blankets and clothing. Lee's army is also in need of blankets, and not a week ago a paper, reputed to be a Government organ in this city, called upon the ladies to devote their energies to knitting socks for Lee's soldiers. For some weeks past the Young Men's Christian Association has been furnishing cotton yarn to be knit into socks for these same soldiers. Woolen yarn was not to be had. Day by day the clothes made for the soldiers exhibit less wool and more cotton.

What is the prospect for clothing next year? The blockade at Wilmington is now so rigidly enforced that supplies from abroad cannot be counted upon. An intercepted letter from Nassau, printed in the Yankee papers which came by the last flag of truce, states that "nothing has entered Wilmington for a month." We must then depend on the home markets for clothing materials. What do we find? Any one who buys beef has discovered that the quarters and sides are rapidly diminishing in size. Younger cattle are being slaughtered every year. It is now thought we will have to fall back upon milch cows. As cattle diminish, mutton must be substituted, and hence the sources both of leather and wool may be expected to decrease every month. Thus the prospect at home does not encourage the belief that we are able to clothe armies larger than those which are now shivering in nakedness.

An army must be fed as well as clothed. The facts just stated in regard to the supply of beef, apply with even more force to the question of subsistence than to that of clothing. Very little bacon is left, beef is going, and mutton will hardly feed great armies, even if the supply were double what it is. It is said that Gen. Lee, during his late visit to this city, exclaimed that the citizens had no right to indulge themselves while the soldiers were living on a quarter of a pound of meat per day. The hue and cry against the starvation of Yankee prisoners has scarcely subsided, and the excuse that three of our largest hospitals were forced to do without meat for a day or two at a time has not been forgotten. East Tennessee, on which we relied mainly for supplies has fallen into the hands of the enemy. The clamor about impressments and the stoppage of supplies on their way to market, still

rings in the ears of the Government. The standing crops in entire counties have been impressed at one fell swoop, under the plea that in no other manner could a sufficient supply for the army be certainly secured. Under this system, and because of a real scarcity as well, flour of a low grade is selling this day in the Confederate capital at $120 a barrel. It appears, therefore, that the prospect of feeding the army already in the field, much less one once or twice its size is not encouraging.

Without labor there can be no production. Our labor is that of the African slave, who requires the supervision of a white man at all times, and never more than when an unusual quantity of work is demanded of him. Women, lads, sexagenarians, cannot make the negro do his duty fully and faithfully, a man in the prime and vigor of life is needed. Already the fears of insurrection, occasioned by the absence of the greater portion of the arms-bearing white population, has produced a leniency and indulgence among the farmers, which has encouraged the natural laziness of the slave, and resulted in a rapidly and yearly increasing diminution of the crop. Take away all, or nearly all the vigorous whites, and leave the negro to the feeble control of women, children and old men, and the danger is that famine will be superadded to insurrection.

If the negroes remaining within our lines were made to work as hard as the white hirelings of the North and of Europe, they could scarcely produce more than enough to supply the wants of the army, as it now stands, at prices not ruinous to the credit of the government.—Conscript the entire white population within the ages of 18 and 50, constitute a reserved corps of the lads between 15 and 18, and the men between 40 and 60, abolish all details for teamsters, orderlies, ambulance drivers, hospital assistants, and fill the vacancy created with negroes and mulattoes, (ample allowance to be made for places that could be filled by disabled soldiers,) and it is easy to see what the consequence will be upon agricultural production.

The sum is not finished yet. Horses must be fed as well as men, and an army without horses is a man without limbs.—With very great difficulty horses barely sufficient to serve the purpose of the existing army are obtained. Last Spring large impressments of horses were made in this city and throughout Virginia. It was a matter of doubt whether the hack, carriage, dray, cart, and, indeed, all the horses in the city not independently necessary to the business of the Government should not be seized. The question of horse feed was serious indeed. With one hand the Confederate officials seized the horses of the citizens and with the other seized forage of all sorts from the people in the country to feed them with.

Farmers ceased to send hay, oats and corn to town. To send was to insure impressment. During the winter, Stuart's cavalry had been scattered over the State to procure food and to recruit. The absence of Hampton's Legion and the worn down condition of the remainder of Stuart's horse, enabled the enemy to penetrate with impunity within the defenses of the capital. And even now, when the harvests have been gathered but a few weeks, the Quartermasters of the army of Northern Virginia can tell a strange story of the distance which their forage has to traverse before it reaches them. Yet it is proposed to double the army, and of course to increase the trains proportionately.

Still another addition to the sum must be made. An army must have, besides wagons and trains, muskets, cannon and ammunition. Pemberton's enormous losses of the two former at Baker's Creek and Vicksburg, added to Bragg's at Chattanooga and Lee's losses of muskets at Gettysburg and in the retreat must have left a bare sufficiency of both to supply present needs and to make good the annual wear and tear. With regard to ammunition, we know what Lee suffered at Gettysburg for want of it. We know further, that whenever a battle begins, ordnance officers are sure to telegraph for more ammunition. We have never had a supersabundance, and since the port of Charleston has been closed, Wilmington almost hermetically sealed, and the nitre beds of Tennessee have been wrested from us, it is not likely that we ever will have more than a full supply for the army on its present footing.

It may be said that we have a whole winter before us in which to make guns, cannon and powder ad libitum. So we had last winter, with comparatively open ports through which to draw supplies from abroad. Yet Lee fell short in Pennsylvania, and Richmond was so bare that cartridges had to be taken from the boxes of a portion of the city troops to fill his own with. Yet next spring we are to have twice, perhaps thrice as many men in the field as we had last spring, with thrice as many muskets, thrice the number of cannon, and thrice the need of ammunition!

Thus, in the last analysis, we find we have an army poorly clad, scantily fed, indifferently equipped, badly mounted, with insufficient trains, and with barely enough ammunition. To remedy the evil, we are going to double, and if possible quadruple the number of men and horses, taking away every efficient master from the agricultural districts, and leave the laborers on whom both men and horses depend for existence a prey to natural idleness, and with every inducement to revolt. If this be not judicial madness, the history of desperate measures adopted by feeble and affrighted councils do not present an example.

The Earth Made Anew.

By C. M. Willis

THE earth made anew! what a beautiful place; When the foul works of sin, our Lord will efface: When oppressions will cease, with all envies and strife, 'Gainst those who are written in the Lamb's book of life.

We have mourned over those we held nearest and dear, As we gazed on the coffin, the shroud and the bier; And our hopes had all died, had we not had a view, Of a meeting beyond, in the earth made anew.

While here we are subject to death and decay, Disease takes control, and we soon pass away; Our days full of trial are sinful and few— But death never comes in the earth made anew.

We have gleaned earthly treasures to see them all fade, And our hearts mourned in anguish the ruins they made; But though thorns will spring forth where our fondest hopes grew, They never can pierce in the earth made anew.

While here we grow weary, our hearts sink with fears, The way seems hedged up, we bedew it with tears. Look beyond, look beyond! what a glorified view! God will wipe away tears, in the earth made anew.

No sickness or sorrow, no doubts or despair, No mildew or blight, mars the lovliness there— We will roam those blessed fields with the good and the true And rejoice evermore in the earth made anew.

The eye hath not seen, or the ear ever heard, The joys in reserve for the loved of the Lord; These sayings are just, they are faithful and true, And we'll soon reign with Christ in the earth made anew.

C. M. WILLIS. Charlotte, Mich.

The Tables Turned.

By G. W. A.

THE present slaveholding rebellion is a terrible affair, but it occasionally develops some incidents of the most gratifying nature. The following is rather amusing proof that Sambo is not only well calculated to "take care of himself," but, if need be, is now and then a good protector of his master. It comes from the Cincinnati Commercial.

G. W. A.

A certain wealthy old planter, who used to govern a precinct in Alabama, in a recent skirmish was taken prisoner, and at a late hour brought into camp, where a guard was placed over him. The aristocratic rebel, supposing everything to be all right—that he was secure enough anyway as a prisoner of war—as a committee of the whole resolved himself into "sleep's dead slumber." Awakening about midnight, to find the moon shining full into his face, he chanced to "inspect his guard," when, horror of horrors, that soldier was a negro! And, worse than all, he recognized in that towering form, slowly and steadily walking a beat, one of his own slaves!

Human nature could not stand that; the prisoner was enraged, furious, and swore he would not. Addressing the guard, through clenched teeth, foaming at the mouth, he yelled out,

"Sambo!"

"Well, massa."

"Send for the colonel to come here immediately. My own slave can never stand guard over me; its a — outrage; no gentleman would submit to it."

Laughing in his sleeve, the dark-faced soldier called out, "Corp'l de guard!"

That dignity appeared, and presently the colonel followed.

After listening to the Southerner's impassioned harangue, which was full of invectives, the colonel turned to the negro with,

"Sam!"

"Yes, Colonel."

"You know this gentleman, do you?"

"Ob course; he's massa B—, and has big plantation in Alabam'."

"Well, Sam, just take care of him to-night!" and the officer walked away.

As the sentinel again paced his beat, the gentleman from Alabama appealed to him in an argument.

"Listen, Sambo!"

"You hush, dar; I've done gone talkin' to you now. Hush, rebel!" was the negro's emphatic command, bringing down his musket to a charge bayonet position, by way of enforcing silence.

The nabob was now a slave—his once valued negro the master; and think you, as he sank back upon a blanket, in horror and shame that night, that he believed human bondage was a divine institution, ordained of God?

Peace or War in Europe.

By Dr. McClintock

The angry feeling of France toward England, caused by rejection of the Congress, has not subsided. Journals of all classes of opinion attack England fiercely, day after day. The Liberals vie with the Imperialists in bitterness. The significance of all this is greatly heightened by the fact that the journals publish nothing except by consent of the government. It is therefore the feeling of the Emperor which is expressed by the journals; or, at least, it is his present cue to allow it to appear so. So long as the press remains under the iron rule which at present constrains it, so long will the government be held responsible for its utterances.

The Siècle reviews the apologies and explanations of the Times in a tone of bitter irony. "The English government, according to the Times, always acts in a spirit of the completest abnegation and the purest generosity. It reminds France, also, that it was the intercession of Britain that saved Napoleon I. from the fate of Marshal Ney. But the Times says nothing of the treachery on Northumberland. Nor has it a word of Napoleon's long captivity at St. Helena." The Times had also spoken of the supply of coal(!) which France draws from England. "We are duly thankful," says the Siècle, "for the coal England sends us for a consideration. No doubt it is very ungrateful of France to criticise the England that sells her coals at a profit. But really this obligation is not great enough to make us forget the persevering hatred with which the British aristocracy kept up its war upon the French democracy, and thereby caused the errors of the revolution. We cannot forget that it was this aristocracy which compelled France to take refuge under the dictatorship of Napoleon I., and which hindered the cause of liberty from achieving its final victory, not only in France but throughout the world." The Siècle, you will remember, is a democratic journal. The Debates which represent the Orleanists, and is the best conducted paper in France, or perhaps in Europe, is equally outspoken: "All the apologies and recriminations of the English journals are alike inconclusive and offensive. Who could believe that England, at this day, could accuse France of ingratitude. It is to England, forsooth, that France is indebted for its escape from dismemberment in 1815! These haughty words will add a fresh complaint to those which France has already a right to make against England."

The question now is, how will all these bickerings end? Will there be a continental Congress, having England out in the cold, to warm herself by her own pride? Can peace continue, amid the causes of conflict which are rising up in every part of Europe? Ask any Frenchman you meet the question, whether there will be war in the spring, and he will answer, "Yes." Ask him with whom, and he will shrug his

shoulders and answer, "I don't know." And such is the real position of Europe. Every one believes we shall soon hear the clash of arms; yet so tangled is the skein of European politics, so distrustful are the various powers of each other, and so divergent are their interests, that they do not see how to make combinations either with or against each other. Whether it shall be England, France, or Austria against Russia; or France and Russia against England and Austria; or the German powers against France and England, nobody—not even the rulers themselves—can tell.—Dr. McClintock.

Misgovernment by Right Divine

MISGOVERNMENT BY RIGHT DIVINE.—How wastefully the baker's dozen of royal and noble, "cousins" who control the European continent and live upon its fruits, administer affairs, is shown by some curious figures recently published in France, by government authority. Mr. Legoyt, chief of the statistical bureau of the French Ministry of Agriculture Commerce and public works, reports that in 1862—Europe being wholly at peace, and with no bloodshed threatening—Austria yet kept up an army of 476,000 men; France had a small peace establishment of 573,000 men; Prussia maintained an army of 214,000 strong; England had 300,000 men under arms, besides half a million of volunteers; and Russia had 1,000,000 soldiers. Italy keeps up a force of 314,000 men; Turkey has 424,000; Denmark, 50,000; and Sweden 67,000. Of the numerous smaller States each has a considerable standing army, down to the smallest of all, which has a "field force" of a drummer, a fifer, and three privates. Mr. Legoyt estimates the effective strength of the European armies—in a time of profound peace, when Earl Russell declares that there is nothing to do but to "rest and be thankful"—at the enormous unmber of 3,875,847 men—nearly equal to the whole population of the State of New York—maintained in absolute idleness, at an annual cost to the people of over $700,000,000.—N. Y. Evening Post.

Gambling.

By Editor

BRO. WHITE: The following article speaks out on one of the signs of the times very clearly. I thought it might serve the cause of present truth if it should appear in the Review. The Saviour, speaking of a class of religious teachers which should arise in the last days to oppose the warning given by faithful servants, says, "They eat and drink with the drunken."

H. S. GURNEY.

WHAT CONSTITUTES GAMBLING?

This may seem a strange question to form the theme of editorial remark, but it is one which has frequently found its way to the surface of our thoughts within the few years past, and which recent events have so intensified, that we can no longer refuse to give utterance to our convictions.

The great fair held in this city in aid of the Sanitary Commission, recently closed with the announcement that more than $100,000 had been added to the treasury of that truly noble charity. The final settlement swelled this large amount to the magnificent sum of $140,000, and the press and the people were unanimous in pronouncing it a "brilliant success."

A large proportion of this large amount came directly from the proceeds of "raffles," which constituted the most prominent feature of the fair, and in which persons of the highest respectability took an active part. What is a raffle? Webster defines it to be "a game of chance, or lottery." But games of chance and lotteries are unlawful, and all persons engaged in, or countenancing, them, are liable to be tried in our courts of justice, and punished as criminals, even to imprisonment among thieves and adulterers. Two pages of the General Statutes of this Commonwealth are occupied with the details of the law against lotteries. They are entitled "offences against public policy," and the penalties pronounced against all who shall be convicted of taking part in them, are severe. A raffle is nothing more nor less than a disguised lottery. The name has been adopted to ease the consciences of those who would be startled to do the same thing under the name of lottery. Whoever takes part in any raffle, such as were so common at the late fair, is a violator of the law, and liable to punishment. Professors of religion, Sabbath-School teachers, judges, and hundreds of "responsible" persons—women, as well as men—did openly take active part in those lotteries.

Blackstone defines crime to be "an act committed or omitted in violation of a public law." Can the persons who took part in those lotteries declare themselves free from crime? Webster, in his Dictionary, says of lotteries, that "almost all men concur in the opinion that their effects are pernicious." Is not this the unanimous verdict of all good men to-day?

But what constitutes gambling? What say our lexicographers? "Gambling, the art or practice of gaming for money." What is the essential difference between gaming for money, and gaming for a Merino sheep? We cannot see any—can any honest man or woman, if there is any essential difference between the morality of playing a game of cards or dice for a stake of one hundred dollars in money, and buying ticket in a lottery or raffle, in which the stake is a picture valued at one hundred dollars? We cannot see any.

Still further. As we understand it, the law, and the public sentiment, classes all kinds of gambling, including lotteries, as criminal, because the effects are "pernicious." Will any one claim that an offense is less an offense if committed by a judge, or a minister? Are the effects of a violation of law less "pernicious," if the violators are Sunday-School teachers, and professing Christians? Nay more, are the effects less "pernicious" if the proceeds of the crime go into the coffers of the church or the Sanitary Commission? If not, what shall we say when the thing is done expressly for the purpose of filling such coffers. Would murder and robbery be any the less murder and robbery if committed for the same purpose? There can be no difference of opinion as to the proper answers to these questions.

The spirit of gambling has increased alarmingly within a few years past, and it is now rampant. There is no disputing it or disguising it. Gambling is rampant. How much of the blame for this growing and master passion for gaming, is to be laid to the door of our churches, which have encouraged it by frequent examples, we may not say, but their "pernicious" effects are visible to the dullest observer.

We speak plainly, but speak our honest convictions, when we declare that raffling at so-called religious fairs, is as pernicious in its tendency and effects as would be the open toleration of gaming houses, or houses of ill-fame. Let then every man and woman who loves at least consistency, put their backs against the practice in future.—Massachusetts Ploughman.

The Generous Slave.

By Sol.

A FEW weeks since, one of the most able and useful chaplains of the army spent a few days in Washington, and while there, was invited to preach in one of the colored churches of the city.

He had a large and interesting congregation, and he took occasion to urge upon his hearers, that inasmuch as their position in our country had greatly changed in the last few months, as they had been scorned and oppressed, but were now the hope of the country, to act worthy of the time, and as those who had a great future. He said that if they were meek and patient under injuries they would overcome the malice of their enemies; that if they were temperate, industrious, and honest, they would effectually silence all those who now clamored against them as unworthy of freedom; that he knew of instances in which colored men and women had by courage, kindness and generosity, won for themselves the esteem and gratitude of a multitude of officers and soldiers of our army.

'After,' said he, 'one of the battles of the war in northeastern Virginia, many wounded confederate soldiers were brought into the town of Winchester, and placed in the churches, school-rooms, and court-houses side by side.

'The ladies of that place brought into the hospitals many things to nourish and tempt the languid appetites of the sufferers, but they gave every thing to the confederate soldiers and passed our men by as unworthy of their sympathy and notice. One day a lady who had been a constant visitor, brought in some fragrant tea. She went from one couch to another of her friends, but passed all others unpitied. One of our wounded men who was very ill, thought that a cup of this tea might help him. He begged me to ask the lady for a taste of it. I went to her in a manner that I think could not be offensive, told her the soldier's request. 'No,' said she and her face blushed with anger; 'not a drop; all this tea is for our suffering martyrs.' 'Madam,' I said, 'I looked for no other answer, and I beg your pardon for hoping for a moment that a drop of human kindness was left in your heart.'

'Before my anger had subsided, I saw approaching the surgeon and myself, an aged colored woman. She was lame and staggered under the weight of two large baskets which she bore on her arms and behind her followed a black boy bearing another.

'When she came up to us, she set down her burdens and said, 'Master, I am a slave, my husband is a slave, and my children are slaves, and will you accept these things from a poor slave woman for the wounded men here. I do not want money, no, master, I could never look you in the face, if I took your money.' She opened her basket and took up a roll of stockings and said, 'Master, months ago I knew this war was coming; and when all were asleep in my cabin, I knit these that some poor sufferer might be warmed, and will you allow a poor slave to give them to these men.' Then taking up some papers of tea she said, 'This tea I earned over the wash-tub. I would not drink it myself, for I knew the day was not far off when some weak and fainting men would want it more than I did, and now will you permit me to give it to you?' And here continued she, 'is some butter, I know it is clean and sweet, and may tempt some of these poor sufferers to eat; it may remind them of the butter of their mother's table, and will you give me the privilege of placing it in your hands for them?' And taking up linen napkins, handkerchiefs and lint she said, 'Master I have stolen nothing; these old hands have earned over the wash-tub and by house-cleaning all,—will you permit me to give them all and have the comfort of knowing that I have done something for those who are far from home, amongst strangers and suffering of want.'

'As she talked she became more moved and tears rolled over her face and fell on her hands as she lifted to me the treasures of her basket, and I never can forget the earnestness and humility of her manner when she said, 'permit me permit me.'

'Oh yes Aunty,' I said 'we will not only receive them, but, pay you for all you have brought.' 'O, master!' said she, 'do not so despise me as to offer me money; I crave the pleasure of giving these little things. Oh I am sorry I have so little! If I had a thousand basketfuls of all good things I should give them all.' Our sick and wounded men looked with wonder and admiration on the woman, and soon a hundred cried out, 'Aunty, God bless you! you are the only white woman we have seen in Winchester.' 'Now said the chaplain do you think those soldiers ever forgot that woman and thought her skin was darker than that of their sisters and mothers? Will they not ever remember her as a noble, true friend in need? And will not every one of them be kinder to every daughter of Africa who comes in his way because one of them pitied and helped him when he was a stranger and half dead. I do not know what became of that generous woman. She may be still a slave; but certain I am that in long years to come, when the soldiers of the army meet in peaceful homes, we will talk of her and ask God to bless her. Go and do as she did; be gentle, do good unto all men, even your enemies; become not vain and proud, spending all you make in dress and pleasure, but deny yourself to do good, and soon those who despise will become your friends.'

As the chaplain was thus preaching, he saw in the midst of the congregation, a woman whose face glowed and was wet with tears. And when he had ended the service, this person came up and spoke to him and said, 'Master, I am the woman you spoke of this morning, I bless the good Lord I am free, and my husband and two children are all free and here in Washington, and we are now happier than ever in our lives.'

And many gathered around to thank her again for her charity to the wounded soldiers. And the chaplain rejoiced to meet in freedom one who had shown herself to be so generous a woman and true a Christian.—Sol.

Nearer to Jesus

Sister S. Robinson writes from Girard, Mich.: The way grows brighter and the end seems nearer. I want to keep near to Jesus. "Nearer, my God, to thee," is my cry. I would be a living witness to the truth, and consecrate myself and all I have to God, having my conversation according to the gospel. I wish to go with the church, and not alone.

Led in the Narrow Way

Sister R. Evans writes from Fitz Henry, Ills.: It encourages me to read the letters of brethren and sisters. It has been about four years since God for Christ's sake forgave my sins. I first heard of the Advent faith by reading your books and papers. It is about a year since I commenced keeping the Sabbath of the Lord. I tried for a while to keep the first-day also; but I found no satisfaction in it, and so left it off. I feel that the Lord has led me in the right path in the way I knew not. May the Lord, still keep me in that straight and narrow way that leadeth to life and glory. I ask an interest in the prayers of the brethren and sisters.

Continue reading: Elijah the Prophet