Review and Herald, Vol. 20, No. 17. (9/23/1862)

Review and Herald

Sep 23, 1862

The Seventh-day Adventist Publishing Association · Battle Creek, Mich. · Sep 23, 1862

Avenging of the Elect.

By Buck

(Continued.)

THE GREAT QUESTION.

Now comes the great inquiry, "When the Son of man cometh shall he find faith on the earth?" As he will have shown his faith with his elect, shall he find a corresponding faith in them? Will they continue to look for him, notwithstanding his long delay? Shall the faith that animated the ancient believers, and in which they joyfully died, be found in lively exercise among their spiritual descendants, when the covenant-keeping Redeemer appears to vindicate his elect? Or, on the other hand, shall the evil servant be found saying in his heart, "My Lord delayeth his coming," and be suddenly overtaken in the midst of his drunken revelry and unbelief?

Will the simple, original faith be preserved in the earth until that time? Or shall it be theorized and allegorized away until, in the interpretation of the Old-Testament predictions, the second coming of the Lord to judge, to triumph, and to reign, shall be explained to mean merely his present mediatorial reign in heaven, and the general triumph of his grace in the earth? Or, if these predictions of his coming be too manifestly judicial to mean a work of grace, shall the time finally come when they shall be interpreted to mean only, or, at least, primarily, the temporal judgments which divine Providence inflicted upon Jerusalem and the Jews?

Will the later teachers of the Christian church be generally misimpressed, in relation to the second advent of the Lord Jesus, as were the later teachers of the Jewish church in relation to the first advent, and thereby, as the Jewish teachers did, unintentionally, and yet fatally, mislead their followers? Is this the reason why that day shall come upon men unawares, "as a snare upon them that dwell upon the face of the whole earth?" And from this are we not obliged to infer, however unpleasant the inference, that at the time of his coming the true faith, in respect to that event, will not be the general faith? There will be faith in the earth; but it will be the exception, and not the general state. So, in consequence of this general misimpression—notwithstanding all the admonitions of apostles, prophets, and of our Lord himself—as the predicted deluge dashed over the antediluvian world, while they were eating and drinking, marrying and giving in marriage; as the threatened fire-storm fell upon the Pentapolis, while they were reveling in their beastly lusts; as the midnight thief breaks into the unguarded house while the unfaithful watchmen are sleeping; as the master returns unexpectedly from the festival, and surprises his undutiful servants in a drunken brawl; so the coming of the Lord Jesus will overtake men unawares." "The day of the Lord will come as a thief in the night." This is the usual Scripture representation.

Now, this unpreparedness for this expected event appears very surprising, when we consider several material and indisputable facts: 1. That the second, personal, visible advent of the Lord Jesus is a frequent and prominent topic of the Old and New Testament prophecy; and is likewise a cardinal doctrine in every orthodox creed. 2. That it would be at the close of a definite series of temporal events, which authentic testimony shows to have been filling up the history of the last two thousand years. 3. That in no place in the Scriptures is there ever, in any manner or measure, directly or indirectly, either by word, figure, or symbol, any indication—much less any declaration—that a long period of time shall elapse between the termination of the present passing series of events and times, and the second advent of Christ. That, so far from there being any indication of such an interval to separate present events from that event, the coming of Christ is uniformly represented as suddenly arresting and terminating the formerly predicted but now historical series of events, and bringing upon the wicked world its ultimate catastrophe. 4. And this unexpectedness of the expected event (excuse the paradox) appears still more surprising when we consider how frequently and how distinctly the wide-apart beginning, and yet rapidly converging lines of serial prophecy have been drawn in the Scriptures, so as to meet at the only vanishing point, where the Son of man is seen coming in the clouds of heaven, to terminate the present dispensation and to introduce the new. To instance only a few of the many examples of this kind, we notice how the great symbolic image in Nebuchadnezzar's dream descends historically from the golden head to the silver breast and arms; thence to the belly and sides of brass; thence to the legs of iron; and finally to the toes of iron and clay. And there is the vanishing point—then and there—not previously, nor anywhere else; not on the head of gold; not on the silver breast; not on the body of brass; not on the iron legs; not on the feet of iron previously to their tenfold division, and the development of the toes of iron and clay; but specifically and most indisputably upon the feet with their toes of iron and clay.

When the historic image has descended to its last extremities, and there is nothing more to be added, and nothing of the same kind beyond, then and there—not anywhere else, neither afterward nor before—but then and there the stone that is cut out of the mountain without hands must come into contact with the image and grind it to powder, so that it shall fly as chaff before the wind, and never have any further development, while the stone becomes a mountain and fills the world.

And this must prove irresistibly, to all who are not warped in judgment by a previous and opposite theory, that the prediction does not relate to the beginning of the mediatorial dominion of the Lord Jesus, or to the introduction of the gospel dispensation, which came into contact with the symbolic image, without destroying it, and without preventing its further development, before united Rome was divided into its eastern and western empires, and several centuries before the development of the feet and toes of iron and clay.

Again, the little horn of Daniel's vision continues to persecute and wear out the saints, until the Son of man comes in the clouds of heaven, and the judgment begins.

Paul's man of sin continues until he is consumed by the judgment flames, at that very coming of Christ, of which he is treating when he associated with that event the resurrection of the saints and their final gathering unto Christ.

There are many, very many, other prophecies which like the foregoing, have their perspective lines drawn to this common vanishing point, at the second advent of the Son of man. Many of our Lord's parables illustrate the whole period of time from the beginning of the gospel dispensation until its termination by the judgment, which forever separates the opposite characters, and admits the righteous into the everlasting kingdom; and this judgment is uniformly represented as taking place when the Son of man comes the second time. In reading the parables, we cannot fail to discover that the state of things which they represent, in describing the intermixture of the evil and the good, continues so to the end. There is no indication, and, indeed, there is no possible place, for an interval between the general prevalence of evil and the second advent that introduces the new dispensation.

The distinct impression that the parables make upon the unperverted mind, if not in every case, yet in such a vast majority as to leave no doubt of the original intention of the parables—the distinct impression made is, that the state of things illustrated as now passing will continue without essential change [except for the worse] to the end of the world. Take, for example, the parable of the tares and the wheat, as it is recorded in Matt xiii:

"Another parable put he forth unto them, saying, The kingdom of heaven is likened unto a man which sowed good seed in his field; but while men slept, his enemy came and sowed tares among the wheat, and went his way. But when the blade was sprung up, and brought forth fruit, then appeared the tares also. So the servants of the householder came and said unto him, Sir, didst not thou sow good seed in thy field? from whence then hath it tares? He said unto them, An enemy hath done this. The servants said unto him, Wilt thou then that we go and gather them up?"

But he said, Nay; lest while ye gather up the tares, ye root up also the wheat with them. Let both grow together until the harvest; and in the time of harvest I will say to the reapers, Gather ye together first the tares, and bind them in bundles to burn them; but gather the wheat into my barn." Vs. 24–30.

Then follows the explanation by our Lord himself, and we should remember that he never gave one parable to explain another. The explanation is an explanation, and is intended for that specific purpose:

"Then Jesus sent the multitude away, and went into the house; and his disciples came unto him, saying, Declare unto us the parable of the tares of the field. He answered and said unto them, He that soweth the good seed is the Son of man; the field is the world; the good seed are the children of the kingdom; but the tares are the children of the wicked one; the enemy that soweth them is the Devil; the harvest is the end of the world; and the reapers are the angels. As therefore the tares are gathered and burned in the fire, so shall it be in the end of this world. The Son of man shall send forth his angels, and they shall gather out of his kingdom all things that offend, and them which do iniquity; and shall cast them into a furnace of fire: there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth. Then shall the righteous shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of their Father. Who hath ears to hear, let him hear." Id., vs. 36–43.

Must it not be admitted by all, 1. That this parable was intended to illustrate the state of things from the time that the Son of man began to sow the good seed in his field? Must it not also be admitted by all, 2. That the state of things here represented has continued until now, without any essential alteration, so far as the mixture of the wheat and the tares is concerned? Must not all admit as indisputable, 3. That our Lord has in the plainest and most unequivocal manner, affirmed that the same state of things will continue "until the harvest?" And has he not directly declared that the "harvest is the end of the world?" Is there any possible excuse for not understanding this explicit affirmation of the Lord Jesus? Or can any one show any indication, however indistinct, of an interval elapsing between the state of things thus represented and the end? Would not the parable indeed lose its entire point and force as an illustration, by the supposition of such an interval of universal holiness in the world, previously to the end? Is it not absolutely indispensable that the parable, and especially the explicit and minute interpretation and application of it by our Lord himself, was intended to produce the impression that the world would continue wicked without intermission until the end?

The parable of the nobleman who "went into a far country to receive for himself a kingdom, and to return," shows the same state of things, and the same ultimate result, in a little different form, and unmistakably illustrates the fact that the evil servants will continue, without any essential change, until the Master, "having received the kingdom," returns to judge them all. See Luke xix.

The parable of the servants and their talents, Matt. xxv, teaches the same truth, so far as it respects the continuance of the present condition of things, until the return of Christ to sit in judgment upon the world. And it is hazarding nothing to affirm that there is not in one of these parables, which our Lord gave for the express purpose of showing the present state of things, and their final result, the least intimation that a millennium of holiness should intervene between the state of things thus represented, and the coming of the Judge to introduce a new order of things.

Now, taking into consideration all these things, and many others equally illustrative, it seems surprising that the second advent of Christ should be represented as coming [to the many] unexpectedly. After all the admonitions to be looking for it, and preparing for it, as an event that would transpire while the present state of things should continue, so that that great event would interpose to terminate what is now exhibited, and has been from the beginning, it would seem as if the many, and not the few, would be found awake, and watching for the coming of the Lord; whereas, that day will come "as a snare upon all them that dwell upon the face of the whole earth." And does not this irrefragably prove, that a radical

error in theory and exegesis will be generally prevalent previous to the second coming of Christ? Otherwise how can we account for the predicted and certain fact that that day will take the world by surprise? Let us anticipate a little, by supposing that just previous to the termination of the present dispensation by the coming of Christ, the notion obtains that there must be an interval of a thousand years between the present prevalence of wickedness and the coming of the Lord, so that people—whatever they may try to do or profess to do—do not in fact expect the Lord while the present state of things continues, because that would be contrary to their theory; and let us suppose, furthermore, that the Lord will come—not as that theory teaches, but just as he himself teaches—while the present state of wickedness continues, and that he comes for the purpose of terminating the present state of things; would not this be a sufficient explanation of the predicted facts in the case? Would not this, indeed, be the only explanation? In this treatise we assume that this is the true rationale of this momentous question. Our reasons for arriving at this conclusion will be given in subsequent chapters.—Buck.

(To be Continued.)

Eternal Life.

"I give unto them Eternal Life."—CHRIST.

I WANT to live alway, forever to stay, With Jesus my Saviour, the Truth and the Way; The few fleeting moments allotted us here, Are given that we with our Life may appear.

I ask to live alway, yet fear not the tomb, For the smile of my Lord dispenses its gloom, And soon His sweet voice would bid me arise To meet him, my loved One, descending the skies.

I ask to live alway, to dwell with my God, On the earth when redeemed—the saints' sweet abode; To range with delight o'er its glorified plains, Where the King in his beauty eternally reigns.

I ask to live alway, and joyfully greet The friends that I love, where in harmony sweet, Our rapturous songs may unceasingly rise To our Saviour and King, in sweet Paradise.

I ask to live alway, to mingle in song With seraphs and angels—a bright happy throng; To join in the shout that through Eden will ring, Hosannah to Jesus our glorious King.

Letter to the President.

By L. Maria Child

[The following letter from Mrs. Lydia Maria Child to the President of the United States, sheds a strong light upon the present aspect of the great political struggle through which this nation is now passing. It shows the forces which the President has to resist, in following his present conservative, not to say suicidal, policy. He has to stand up against the "enthusiasm for freedom" which reigns in nearly twenty millions of hearts in the free North, and against the prayers of four millions of oppressed and suffering slaves. If he continues to resist all these, in refusing to take those steps which a sound policy, the principles of humanity, and the salvation of the country, demand, it must be from an infatuation akin to that which of old brought Pharaoh to an untimely end.—u. s.]

It may seem a violation of propriety for a woman to address the Chief Magistrate of a nation at a crisis so momentous as this. But if the Romans, ages ago, accorded to Hortensia the right of addressing the Senate on the subject of a tax unjustly levied on the wealthy ladies of Rome, surely an American woman of the 19th century need not apologize for pleading with the rulers of her country in behalf of the poor, the wronged, the cruelly oppressed. Surely the women of America have a right to inquire, nay, demand, whether their husbands, sons, and brothers, are to be buried by thousands in Southern swamps, without obtaining thereby "indemnity for the past and security for the future."

In your appeal to the Border States, you have declared slavery to be "that without which the war could never have been," and you speak of emancipation as "the step which at once shortens the war." I would respectfully ask how much longer the nation is to wait, for the decision of the border States, paying meanwhile, thirty-two millions a day, and sending thousands of its best and bravest to be stabbed, shot, and hung, by the rebels, whose property they are employed to guard. How much longer will pro-slavery officers be permitted to refuse obedience to the laws of Congress, saying, "We shall continue to send back fugitives to their masters until we receive orders from the President to the contrary." What fatal spell is cast over your honest mind, that you hesitate so long to give such orders? Be not deceived; God is not mocked. Neither nations nor individuals sin against his laws with impunity. Hear the old Hebrew prophet, whose words seem as if spoken to us: "Thou shouldst not have stood in the crossway to cut off those that did escape; neither shouldst thou have delivered up those that did remain in the day of distress. For thy violence against thy brother, shame shall cover thee, and thou shalt be cut off forever. The pride of thine heart hath deceived thee, saying, who shall bring me down to the ground? Though thou exalt thyself as the eagle, and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will I bring thee down, saith the Lord."

The American people have manifested almost miraculous patience, forbearance, and confidence in their rulers. They have given incontrovertible proof that their intelligence, their love of country, may be trusted to any extent. They are willing to sacrifice their fortunes and their lives, but they very reasonably wish to know what they are sacrificing them for. Men, even the bravest, do not go resolutely and cheerfully to death in the name of diplomacy and strategy. The human soul, under such circumstances, needs to be lifted up and sustained by great ideas of justice and freedom.

President Lincoln, it is an awful responsibility before God to quench the moral enthusiasm of a generous people. It wastes thousands of precious lives, causes an unutterable amount of slow, consuming agony, and tarnishes our record on the pages of history. Again I respectfully ask, How much longer are we to wait for the Border States, at such a tremendous cost and with such a fearful risk? When a criminal is on trial, it is not deemed prudent to try by a jury who are interested in the crime. Slavery is on trial, and the verdict is left to slaveholders in the Border States. The report of their majority shows them to be slaveholders in heart and spirit. The process of reasoning and entreaty has been very properly tried with them, and the people of the Free States have waited long and patiently for some obvious good result. They are getting restive; very restive. Everywhere I hear them saying, "Our President is an honest, able man, but he appears to have no firmness of purpose. He is letting the country drift to ruin for want of earnest action and a consistent policy." This is not the utterance of any one class or party. It may be heard everywhere: by the wayside, in the cars, and at the depots. Nor can I deny that some speak with less moderation. Shall I tell you what I said when cold water was thrown on the spark of enthusiasm kindled by brave, large-hearted Gen. Hunter? I exclaimed, with a groan, "O, what a misfortune it is to have an extinguisher instead of a Drummond Light in our watch-tower, when the Ship of State is reeling under such a violent storm, in the midst of sunken rocks, with swarms of unprincipled wreckers everywhere calculating on the profit they may derive from her destruction." The crew are working at the pumps with manly vigor, and almost superhuman endurance. They look out upon a prospect veiled by dense fog, and their cry is, "O God, let us know whither we are driving. Give us a clear, steady light to guide us through the storm."

I trust you will not deem me wanting in respect for yourself or your high position, if I say frankly that you seem to trust too much to diplomatic and selfish politicians, and far too little to the heart of the people. You do them wrong, irreparable wrong, by stifling their generous instincts, and putting an extinguisher on every scintillation of moral enthusiasm. Are you not aware that moral enthusiasm is the mightiest of all forces? It is the fire which produces the steam of energy and courage, and the motion of all the long train of crowded cars depends on its expansive power. In the name of our suffering country, for the sake of a world that needs enfranchisement, I beseech you not to check the popular enthusiasm for freedom! Would that you could realize what a mighty power there is in the heart of a free people! No proclamation, no speeches, have stirred it to its depths as did the heroic and kindly Gen. Banks, when he gave the weary little slave-girl a ride upon his cannon. I hail this omen of that suffering little one riding to freedom on the cannon of the United States. It is impossible to estimate the benign, far-reaching influences of such an action. They cannot be arranged in statistics, and will therefore be neglected by political economists. They cannot be brought up for electioneering purposes, and therefore men called statesmen attach no importance to them. But they will run through all the patterns of our future, though history will be unable to trace to their origin in the web those golden threads that here glow in the heart of a flower, and there light up the eye of a bird. Gen. Banks was not aware of the magnetism in that simple act of humanity. It owed its magnetic power to the fact that

> "What within is good and true, > He saw it with his heart."

And so it wakened a responsive thrill in other kindly, generous hearts, who all remember the words, "Inasmuch as ye did it unto the least of these, ye did it unto me." Such potency was there in it, that it proved an Ithuriel's spear to disguised forms of selfishness and treason. When it touched the toads, they started up devils.

In thus entreating you to trust to the impulses of the people, I by no means overlook the extreme difficulties of your position. I know that the pro-slavery spirit of the land is a mighty giant, characterized by unscrupulous selfishness and exceeding obstinacy. But I also know that all the enthusiasm is on the side of freedom. Despotism has its ugly Caliban of obstinate pride always at work for mischief. But enthusiasm is the swift and radiant Ariel, always prompt in the service of freedom. These two agents are in active competition. Choose which of them you will trust.

That you sincerely wish to save the Republic, the people do not doubt for a moment; and your scruples about Constitutional obligations have commanded their respect. But events have educated them rapidly, and they now deny that any Constitutional obligation exists toward rebels who have thrown off the Constitution, spit upon it, and trampled it under their feet. If you entered into partnership with a man who robbed you of your funds, set your house on fire, and seized you by the throat with intent to strangle you, should you consider yourself still legally bound by the articles of partnership? I trow not. But it is urged that some slaveholders are loyal. I apprehend that their name is not legion, nor their loyalty always of a kind that will stand much wear and tear. The course that some of them have pursued recalls to my mind the words of the same old Hebrew prophet, "The men of the confederacy have brought thee even to the border. The men that were at peace with thee have deceived thee. They that eat thy bread have laid a wound under thee."

Much has been said concerning the inhumanity of arming the blacks. All war is necessarily inhuman. But I cannot perceive why there is any more inhumanity in a black man's fighting for his freedom, than in a white man's fighting for the same cause. Doubtless long years of oppression have brutalized many of the slaves, and darkened their moral sense almost as much as it has that of the slaveholders. If, wearied out with their long waiting in vain for help, and goaded by the increase of their sufferings, they should resort to insurrection, indiscriminate cruelty might be the result. But this danger would be averted by organizing them under the instruction and guidance of officers who would secure their confidence by just treatment. They are by nature docile, and have been trained to habits of obedience. There seems no reason to apprehend that their passage through any district would be accompanied with more devastation than that of other troops. As for bravery, they would be stimulated to it by the most powerful motives that can act on human nature; the prospect of freedom on the one hand, and the fear of falling into their masters' power on the other.

I need not speak of emancipation as a measure of policy. Enough has been said and written to prove that enlightened self-interest requires it at our hands. But there is one aspect of the question which seems to me very important, though generally overlooked, I mean the importance of securing the confidence of the slaves, of making them feel secure of their freedom, if they serve the United States. One of the "contrabands" at fortress Monroe, said, "We want to work for the United States, but we can't work with heart, because we feel anxious about what the United States means to do with us when the war is over." I often see suggestions about impressing the negroes and compelling them to work for us. Last night's paper states that orders have been given to employ them in some of the camps, and pay wages to those who are free. In the name of justice, what right have we to force slaves to work without wages? What right have we to recognize slaves in persons working for the United States? Have we gone so far in this struggle without learning yet that heart-labor is of infinitely more value than compulsory labor? It is our duty, as well as our best policy, to deal justly and kindly by the poor fugitives who toil for us, and to stimulate their energies by making them feel secure of their freedom. Your word, officially spoken, alone can do this. So long as you delay to utter it, one officer will scourge them and send them to their masters to be again scourged, while another will protect them. The poor creatures whose minds are darkened by ignorance, and perplexed by falsehood about the Yankees, become bewildered, and know not whom to trust. Their simple declaration, "We want to work for the United States, but we can't work without heart," seemed to me very significant and pathetic. Is not the heart-service of these loyal thousands too valuable to be thrown away? If their masters, in desperation, should promise them freedom as the reward for fighting against us, they would doubtless accept the offer as the best bargain they could make; because, alas, they have been unable to find out what the United States means to do with them. What candid person could blame them for such a course? Should we not do the same under similar circumstances?

O, President Lincoln, God has placed you as father over these poor, oppressed millions. Remember their forlorn condition! Think how they have been for generations deprived of the light of knowledge and the hope of freedom! Think of the cruel lashes inflicted on them for trying to learn to read the word of God! Think of their wives polluted, and their children sold, without any means of redress for such foul and cruel wrongs! Imagine them stealing through midnight swamps, infested with snakes and alligators, guided toward freedom by the north star, and then hurled back into bondage by Northern blood-hounds in the employ of the United States! Think how long their groans and prayers for deliverance have gone up before God from the hidden recesses of Southern forests! Listen to the refrain of their plaintive hymn, "Let my people go!" Above all, think of their present awful uncertainty, scourged and driven from one to another, not knowing whom to trust! We are told that uncounted prayers go up from their bruised hearts, in the secrecy of their rude little cabins, that "God would cross massa Lincoln." Is there nothing that touches your heart in the simple trust of these poor, benighted, suffering souls? In view of it, can you still allow the officers of the United States to lash them at their pleasure, and send them back to their masters, on the plea that the President has given no orders on the subject? Shall such officers go unrebuked, while Gen. Hunter is checked in his wise and humane policy, and when the great, honest soul of Gen. Phelps is driven to the alternative of disobeying the convictions of his own conscience, or quitting the service of his country? If you can thus stifle the moral enthusiasm of noble souls; if you can thus disappoint the hopes of the poor, helpless wretches, who trust in you as the appointed agent of their deliverance, may God forgive you! It will require infinite mercy to do it.

I can imagine, in some degree, the embarrassments of your position, and I compassionate you for the heavy weight of responsibility that rests upon your shoulders. I know that you are surrounded by devils that have squeezed themselves into the disguise of toads. I pray you to lose no more time in counting these toads, and calculating how big a devil each may contain. Look upward instead of downward. Place your reliance on principles rather than on men. God has placed you at the head of a great nation at a crisis when its free institutions are in extreme peril from enemies within and without. Lay your right arm on the buckler of the Almighty, and march fearlessly forward to universal freedom in the name of the Lord!

Pardon me, if in my earnestness I have said aught that seems disrespectful. I have been impelled to write this because night and day the plaintive song of the bondman resounds in my ears,

"Go down, Moses, go down to Egypt's land, And say to Pharaoh, 'Let my people go!'"

That you may be guided by Him who has said, "First righteousness, and then peace," is the earnest prayer of Yours, respectfully, L. MARIA CHILD. [National Republican.

A Christian in the World

“A Christian in the world,” says John Newton, is like a man transacting his affairs in the rain. He will not suddenly leave his business because it rains, but the moment that business is done, he is off. As is said in the Acts, respecting the Apostles, “Being let go, they went to their own company.”

Policy.—Leniency and Protection to Rebels.

From every quarter, by army letters published and unpublished, we hear that some of our generals employ their soldiers in guarding rebel property and sometimes in returning fugitive slaves to their masters. Their men are dying with the scurvy for want of fresh provisions; these provisions are constantly before their eyes, but they may not touch them on pain of being shot. The rebel owners are in the rebel army; their wives and slaves at home will not sell, and every chicken is under a guard of soldiers. The very water of their wells and springs is forbidden to the famishing men of the Federal army. We hear most of this sort from the divisions of Grant in the South-West and McClellan in the East.

In our view the whole country ought to protest against this war policy.

We have the very highest esteem for the amenities of modern civilized warfare, and we hope our army will never infringe them. Leave the barbarities of savage warfare to the rebels alone.

But, amenities should not make war a farce. If we must fight, or have no country and no liberty, then let it be such fighting as means something and does something.

We wake up from our long cherished aversion to war, almost startled to find that our soberest, solid convictions are demanding a far more stringent policy than Grant and McClellan are pursuing. But our convictions on this point are firm as any convictions can be. Why?

1. We believe a stern and strong war policy is the truest mercy. It will soonest end the war, and with the least sacrifices of life and treasure in the end.

When Napoleon had occasion to put down a fearful mob in Paris, he ordered his gunners to charge his cannon with ball cartridges the first shot. Consequently one fire sufficed. Other men would have blown at them with powder only, till the mob had become tenfold stronger, and then been compelled to send balls at last.

If there must be war, it should be made fearful—else it avails nothing.

2. This policy sickens the soldiers; would drive them home if they could get home; and stops enlistments.

3. It drives loyal Southern men into the rebel ranks. It has done so until over large districts scarce one is left.

The reason is obvious. Rebels are always safe; loyal men are really safe nowhere. The rebel army shields rebel citizens, of course; our army shields them too. Hence rebels are safe, and whoever wants safety soon learns how it is to be had.

But the rebel arms rob and murder Union men without mercy. Our army affords them but a doubtful protection. This policy, therefore, has proved terribly fatal to the Union cause. It has mostly suppressed all utterances of Union sentiment. It has postponed peace far away into the unknown future, and has involved thousands of families with the fortunes of the rebels, and in whatever disasters may be necessary to bring them to their place in the Union.

4. This policy fails of the very purpose for which it is adopted. It does not conciliate the rebels a particle. It only exposes the Federals to their contempt. The Union leaders seem to have forgotten that they are fighting slaveholders—men who respect physical force and nothing else—men who are lost to all magnanimity and to all amenity, and to all justice and right. It is most unfortunate for any good results of this war that the policy of not touching the slaves, of not damaging the property of rebels, and, in general, of not hurting anybody very much, has pretty thoroughly lost us the respect of the rebel States, and has been adding to their courage and resources for this war every month since it began.—Sel.

The Pebbles in Our Path

The pebbles in our path weary us and make us foot-sore more than the rocks.

Continue reading: The Sealing