Review and Herald, Vol. 20, No. 12. (8/19/1862)

Review and Herald

Aug 19, 1862

The Seventh-day Adventist Publishing Association · Battle Creek, Mich. · Aug 19, 1862

The Cause and Cure of the Present Civil War.

[THE following is an extract from a sermon by F. H. Callagher of Michigan. It presents a striking analogy between the present rebellion, and one of old time. Yet it is not so much for this that it is presented to the readers of the Review, as on account of certain facts it contains in regard to slavery, with which all should acquaint themselves. It will help us to understand the symbol of Rev. xiii, 11, to remember that this government from within a short time of its foundation to the present, has made itself the obsequious servant of one of the most diabolical systems that has ever cursed the earth.—U. S.]

"Then said Joab, I may not tarry thus with thee. And he took three darts in his hand and thrust them through the heart of Absalom, while he was yet alive in the midst of the oak." 2 Sam. xviii, 14.

THE destiny of a nation is often hinged upon the particular turn which events may take at some critical period in the history of that nation. The ship of state must encounter storms in its voyage; it must sometimes thread intricate, narrow, winding channels. Some years ago I made the voyage from San Francisco to Panama. The greater part of the distance we ran simply by the compass. The man at the helm was instructed to hold the vessel on a particular course. But here and there along the coast there are clusters of rocky islands, lying in the pathway of the steamers. When passing among these, our captain did not trust alone to the compass as guide, but standing himself high upon his promenade, with keen eye he scanned the rocks and the curling of the waters in front of the vessel, with his hand motioning to the right or the left, and by a line of officers the word was passed back to the man at the wheel. Thus we passed safely, though danger—certain destruction—was on either side of us. To rely upon the compass then, would have been to drive his steamer upon the rocks, and to send her to the bottom speedily.

Now this will serve to illustrate the point I wish to bring before you. In general it may be safe to run the ship of state by the compass, when the skies are clear and the waters smooth. But there are times when he who has the vessel in charge must take his stand on some commanding point, and issue his mandates, to port or starboard, as the circumstances may demand, avoiding the sunken rock on the one hand, and the treacherous quicksand upon the other. Happy that nation which in such an hour has the right man in the right place, with keen eye to discern the danger, and prompt to utter the command.

In that critical period in the history of the nation of Israel, some of the leading events of which are related in the chapter from which our text is taken, that people were blest in having just such a man, not seated upon the throne, indeed, but only one step below the throne—Joab, the commander-in-chief of David's armies.

One of king David's sons, a very wicked and abandoned young man, who through his father's tenderness and love had received many favors, and had much forgiven him, at last, as the crowning act of his life of wickedness, raised the standard of rebellion against his father and king, by having himself proclaimed king of Israel.

The army of rebels moved at once upon Jerusalem. David and his few followers retreated, and, crossing the river Jordan, sought refuge in the city of Mahanaim, in the territory of the tribe of Gad. The usurper, finding the capital and the throne vacated, took possession, and by the advice of his wicked and artful counsellor, Ahithophel, proceeded at once to the perpetration of such outrages against his father, as effectually to banish from the minds of his followers all hope, all thought, of reconciliation or even compromise with the exiled king. After such delays as were unavoidable, he mustered his forces and pursued the fugitive, determined to seek him out wherever he might be, and force him to a general engagement, not so much for the purpose of defeating his army as of slaying the king. It was neither proper nor safe for David to retreat further. He had abandoned his throne and kingdom, his capital and treasures; but the usurper was now in hot pursuit, thirsting for his blood.

It was determined to make a stand before the city of Mahanaim. David mustered and organized the scant forces that were with him, and sent them forth to meet the far-outnumbering foe. As they took their departure from the city, the king himself stood at the gate to deliver to them his last charge before they joined in the shock of battle. Doubtless it was expected that he should remind them of the great interests at stake; of the honor conferred upon them in having so mighty a trust committed to them; that he should remind them of former battles in which their enemies had been smitten before them; of the fact that right and justice were on their side, and by considerations such as these, exhort them to be valiant and play the man.

But they heard nothing of all this; the king was no king that day. At the gate of the city sat only the doting father, with all his thoughts and anxieties gathering about that dashing but rebellious son, who, yonder on the other side of the plain, at the border of the wood of Ephraim, was leading on his rebellious army against the life of his father. "Deal gently for my sake with the young man, even with Absalom." This was his only command—his last and only charge as the columns of armed men swept by. The crown and the kingdom were forgotten; all those mighty interests staked upon the issue of that struggle were forgotten; the king was swallowed up in the father. "Deal gently for my sake with the young man, even with Absalom." In silence, and doubtless in surprise, the little army moved on to the field of battle.

Soon the hosts of the enemy, with gaily flaunting banners and glittering arms, appeared before them. Quickly the line of battle was formed, and the well-disciplined troops of king David, led by the two sons of Zeruiah and the brave prince Ittai, swept down upon the half-trained multitude that followed Absalom, resistless as the descent of the Alpine avalanche. Their lines were quickly broken, confusion followed, they fled in terror and dismay, leaving twenty thousand of their number dead upon the field.

But what of Absalom? Doubtless he was a brave man, for he came of a war-like family, and it is highly probable that he made earnest and desperate efforts to rally his frightened and fleeing soldiers, to dispute more obstinately for the mastery of the field. Doubtless he well understood the desperate stake for which he played, and felt that the loss of this battle was the loss of everything. But in the confusion, passing beneath an oak, his head became in some way entangled, and the mule upon which he rode, careless of its rider, went on its way, leaving him suspended between heaven and earth. This being reported to Joab, he hastened to the spot, thrust three darts through the heart of the wicked and rebellious prince, and thus completed the victory by cutting off the head of the rebellion. This being accomplished, he sounded the recall and stopped the pursuit and slaughter.

Thus Joab, with the intuition of true genius, grasped the real position of matters; with steady, fearless hand struck from its place the key-stone of the arch, and at once the whole rebellious fabric crumbled and fell. He understood well that the stake at issue was not simply the result of this one battle, but the peace and safety of the nation. Should Absalom escape, another rebellious army might be gathered, another battle must be fought, again the hills and plains of Israel must be reddened with the blood of twenty thousand of her sons. Therefore in the spirit of genuine humanity and patriotism, at the risk of his position in the army and of his life—in direct disobedience to the command of the king, he killed with his own hand the rebel prince.

Now it appears to me that some of the leading characteristics of Absalom's rebellion against his father, king David, find their parallel in that rebellion which,

for the past twelve months, has torn and distracted our once happy country. And I wish here to give you some of my own views and impressions on the subject. I do not ask any one to adopt my views. I shall not quarrel with any one who disagrees with me. I only ask a candid, fair, charitable hearing.

1. The rebellious prince, the Absalom, in this case, is Slavery. This has been denied at home and abroad—in this country and in Europe. It has been denied in the North and in the South. But I do not believe there is a candid, intelligent, unprejudiced man from Maine to California, from Minnesota to Florida, who has a doubt on the subject. That there are other subordinate causes which have their influence, we all know; disappointed political aspirations, personal ambition, sectional animosities, etc.; but all these are subordinate to Slavery in this struggle, and some of them are its own immediate offspring.

I am well aware that there are those who maintain that the anti-slavery sentiment of the North is the cause of the war. This is true just thus far; if no one had opposed the claims of Slavery in any of its interests, real or imagined, then there would have been no quarrel, no fight. This appears to be a very plain case. Since this struggle began, I received a letter from a friend in the South, who stated that President Lincoln, by refusing to evacuate Fort Sumter, inaugurated the civil war. There is just as much truth and just as much good sense in that as in the other. I suppose it is safe to assume that if our government had surrendered all the forts, arsenals, ship-yards, and other Federal property in the South, together with Washington city, the border States, and whatever else these commissioners whom the rebels, in their anxiety to avoid bloodshed, sent to Washington, something over a year ago, to treat with the government as to terms of separation—and in addition to all this, in the acknowledgment of this Southern Confederacy, had not amply pledged themselves for all time to come, to grant unto their Southern brethren whatever they might demand in addition to these things, at once and without remonstrance—I think it safe to assume that some such arrangement as this might have avoided this present civil war; provided that the people in the North would have submitted to it. I do not think it could have been avoided by any compromise falling much short of this which I have indicated.

This is a rebellion against true democracy. The sovereignty in this land rests in the people. It began to be evident to the Southern leaders that in order to establish Slavery firmly upon the throne, it was necessary to dethrone the people. Hence, in the inaugural address of their leader, Jeff. Davis, he boldly avows that this is a rebellion against what he is pleased to call the despotism of numbers—what we call the rule of the majority, the will of the masses, the majesty of the people. There is one fact which, if it stood entirely alone, is enough to establish beyond reasonable doubt the fact that Slavery is the cause of this war; it is this: The adopted Constitution of the so-called Confederacy presents but one point of essential difference from the Constitution of the United States; that one point of difference is this: It recognizes the right of property in man. In other essential features, it is little more than a transcript of ours. I suppose, however, it is not necessary to argue this point. Most of us agree on this; I pass to the consideration of the next.

2. Slavery has been again and again, in an especial manner, highly favored by this government. I can mention but a few particulars in which this is shown. About forty years since, Slavery said to the government, "I want Missouri; and, whereas the territory west of Missouri seems to be mostly barren deserts and mountains, I am willing to agree that north of a certain line, and west of Missouri, there shall be no slave States, and we will call this a compromise." The government consented, and politicians said, "Now the question is settled, and all trouble is over." A few years later Slavery came forward again and said, "A large number of negroes have escaped from their owners in the South, and are among the Indians in the forests and everglades of Florida. In order to recapture them I must have blood-hounds and an army of soldiers. This will involve an enormous outlay of money. I therefore demand that government import the bloodhounds, and furnish and equip the army, and pay all the bills." The obedient government did all this.

After a few more years Slavery came forward once more and said, "There is a large region of country, fertile, and having a climate suitable to the peculiar products in which I delight. I do not need it, but would like to have it. It belongs to Mexico, and is sometimes called the Republic of Texas. Get it for me." Again the complacent government proceeded to gratify the whim of this pampered pet. Texas was annexed, and her debts, which we assumed, together with the cost of the war that resulted, amounted to something between one hundred and one hundred and fifty millions of dollars.

In 1849 and 1850, Slavery came up to Washington city and said to government, "Individual fragments of the peculiar institution are furnished with heads and feet, and now and then they escape. You must increase my facilities for recapturing them." "Certainy I will do so," said the government; and hence that glorious compromise of 1850; that compromise which would have immortalized Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, had they not already been immortalized; that compromise which we were assured would forever settle the whole question, and give us perfect and perpetual peace. It was embodied in a fugitive-slave law, in some of its provisions disgraceful to humanity, to say nothing of civilization and Christianity.

And how long did this perpetual pacification continue? Just three and a half years. On the most liberal construction, just three and a half years. For at the end of that time, Slavery came forward and said, "I find that west of Missouri, and north of 36° 30', there is a territory called Kansas, which would be useful to me. In order that I may secure it you must repeal the Missouri compromise, and you must send the right kind of men there as territorial officers." Government did all this. But God and nature and fifteen millions of free people opposed the scheme and defeated it. This, I believe, was the first defeat of Slavery, but it was through no fault of the government. James Buchanan and his cabinet were faithful to this spoiled favorite throughout the whole of that struggle.

In 1860, when the Republican party nominated Abraham Lincoln, Slavery said to the people of the United States, "Do not vote for that man. I hate him, and will not permit him to be President." The people said, "We like him," and they elected him. At once the standard of rebellion was flung out upon the breeze, and, like Absalom of old, the rebels have used every means to drive matters to extremity. Some of their leaders declared at the outset that they desired and would accept no compromise. And that declaration has never been disclaimed. They resorted to every insult, and to all forms of violence to exasperate the loyal people. They were greedy for war, and they have it.

3. Slavery has been guilty of much violence against the citizens of the United States; has committed many and grievous sins in this respect, and yet has been forgiven. Our Constitution allows no interference with a man's religious sentiments; yet any time for the last thirty or forty years Slavery has been ready to tar and feather, or even hang, the man who should dare maintain that it is contrary to the spirit and teaching of the gospel of love, to seize a wife and a mother, and, in the presence of her husband and children, tie her up, and give her nine-and-thirty with the cow-skin, well laid on, for a very trivial offense. It is, and for years has been, ready to punish with fine and imprisonment that man or woman whose religion should lead them to attempt to teach a colored person to read the word of God. For about twenty years such has been the absolute despotism of Slavery, south of Mason & Dixon's line, that at the cry of "Abolitionist" a mob could be raised at any hour of the day or night, and any stranger who might happen to be within their reach, seized upon, dragged to the nearest tree and hung, and no question would be asked, no grand jury would investigate the matter, no judge would charge them to do so. Yet our Constitution undertakes to guarantee to every man an impartial trial by jury, a fair, full hearing, and legal counsel if desired. Slavery has not hesitated to shut the doors of the churches against any minister deemed disloyal or unsound on this great question, and even to banish such from its realms; and then a successor, entering the pulpit thus vacated, would reverently thank God that his lot was cast in a land of religious liberty. Slavery could take an obnoxious printing-press, break it up and throw it into the river, as it has done again and again, within my knowledge. It killed Rev. Mr. Lovejoy, of Alton, Ills., just because he believed Slavery wrong, and had the courage to say so. It would have killed Dr. David Nelson, author of "Cause and Cure of Infidelity," one of the holiest and most lovely men that ever lived, had he not escaped by flight. Its victims are numbered by hundreds, if not by thousands; victims who have been sacrificed without any of the forms of law. In like manner Slavery has and does still prevent the administration of justice under the forms of law. A few years ago, in the place where I was at the time living, a negro was indicted for some criminal offense (no matter what), he was tried, found guilty, sentenced, and suffered the penalty. Afterward I had a conversation with one of the jurors who tried the case, and he told me he did not think they would have returned a verdict of guilty, had it not been that the accused wore such a saucy, defiant look during the trial. I was startled to hear such an avowal. Here was a man of substance and respectability, a man of home influence, acknowledging to me that a jury, of which he was a member, solemnly sworn to try a man accused of a grave criminal offense, according to the law and testimony, found him guilty—not upon the law and testimony—but on account of a certain impertinent expression of countenance. I mentioned the circumstance afterward to a lawyer; he seemed rather amused; it was only a nigger!

Somewhere about the beginning of the year 1859, a party of armed men from Platte Co., Mo., made an incursion into Kansas, and captured one Dr. Doy. They brought him back with them, and imprisoned him in the county jail. In due time he was indicted for enticing away slaves from Missouri. The case was brought to St. Joseph, where I was at that time, and tried there. I was present at the trial, and conversed with one of the most intelligent jurors afterward. So far as I could learn or understand, there was no evidence that Dr. Doy had ever been inside of the State of Missouri, until brought over from Kansas by his kidnappers. But Slavery demanded the victim, and so he was convicted and sentenced, if I recollect aright, to five years in the State prison.

Now, these are only specimens, and rather mild ones, of the outrages committed by Slavery upon the citizens of the United States; all of which has been meekly borne by our government for the sake of peace. One-tenth part of such provocations from any other power on earth, would have brought on war, and that speedily.

Now this is the spoiled, pampered pet of our government—the Absalom. And this it is which now grapples the throat, and strikes at the life of the nation. And has not the same foolish, mistaken tenderness been displayed in this case that David showed for his rebellious son? Have not instructions been sent to all our foreign ministers to assure every one abroad that Absalom should not be hurt? When, last year, one of our men in the western department, in a Joab-like spirit, was about to thrust a dart through the heart of this rebellious power, was not a modification speedily and "cheerfully" sent on from head-quarters, which, without any great violence, might have been made to read, "Deal gently with the peculiar institution?" Have not our civil rulers, our military leaders, many of our newspaper writers, and citizens in every station in life, with an infatuation which is now unaccountable, striven to save slavery in this struggle? It looks to me like seeking to heal a wound, while a poisoned arrow rankles therein.

Absalom went into the battle—"upon a mule, and the mule went under the thick boughs of a great oak, and he was taken up between the heavens and the earth; and the mule that was under him went away." Slavery went into this rebellion mounted upon the idea that "Cotton is king." Instead of the great oak, it has encountered blockade—tight, suffocating. There it hangs now by the head. Where is the Joab to thrust three darts through its heart while yet alive? In this way, and in this way only, I believe, may we hope for speedy and abiding peace.

But, it is sometimes asked, are we not able to crush this rebellion and maintain the integrity of our government and Union, without resorting to this measure?

I do not know. I believe we are able to do this, if God will allow us to. But I doubt, in my inmost soul I doubt, whether he will allow it. I believe that Joab would have been able to suppress the rebellion without killing Absalom. I think it most likely that with his well-trained veteran warriors, he could have defeated the insurgents on any battle-field, until they should have become utterly disheartened. I do not suppose that Joab had any doubt on this subject. During all the twenty-five years that he had led the armies of Israel, he had never lost a battle. In all the record of that stormy and eventful period, in which the son of Zeruiah led the hosts of Israel, we search in vain for a single defeat. But Joab wished to save blood-shed, to avoid a protracted and exhausting war. While Absalom lived, the rebellion would have a head; though defeated again and again, yet again and again would he muster armies and take the field. But Absalom slain, the motive for rebellion would be removed, and peace must speedily follow. So it appears to me to be in this case. While slavery exists as a distinct interest and power, it will fight against this government. Remove it, abolish it, kill it, and the pretext for rebellion will be taken away. There has been from the first nothing but a mere pretext; yet that just out of the way, and war will soon cease, and we will have a peace that will be worth something. A peace which God can approve, a peace bringing with it blessings far greater than any we have yet enjoyed.

But it appears to me that considerations loftier, holier, than any yet indicated, enter into this question. During the whole of our past national existence, we, a Christian people, have been cherishing an enormous wrong, a gigantic sin. We have stopped our ears and hardened our hearts against the sighs and groans of the poor and needy, the down-trodden and oppressed; we have enriched ourselves with the fruit of the black man's unrequited toil. Whenever any friend of liberty has made any efforts in his behalf, or he himself has risen up to shake his chains in an earnest effort to regain his God-given rights, our government has stood ready and pledged to lend its whole power to thicken those chains, and rivet them more securely.

In the past and in all the events of this war, God speaks to this nation, saying, "Let this people go." I believe that the path of safety lies in obedience to that command. I fear every other course.

"Go, Work in My Vineyard."

Ye servants of the Holy One, Your Master's voice obey, And rest not till your work is done, Nor for the morrow stay.

Look to the garden of your heart, For weeds are growing there; With faithful prayer act well your part, It needs a constant care.

Behold the fields for harvest white, Fields of immortal grain; Go labor there with all your might, Your work shall not be vain.

And other soil awaits the seed— Beside all waters sow; And ask your Father on each deed His blessing to bestow.

However humble is the sphere By God assigned to you, In just the place he gives you here There is a work to do.

Some sow the seed, while others reap, And some prepare the soil; While some through sufferings only weep And pray for those who toil.

Why stand ye idle all the day? Filled with a Saviour's love, Go, point to dying souls the way To life and joys above.

[Am. Messenger.]

Simon, the Cyrenian.

By Harriet Beecher Stowe

“THEY laid hold on one Simon, a Cyrenian, *and on him they laid the cross, that he might bear it after Jesus.” Luke xxiii, 26.

It has been ingeniously remarked by a certain commentator that all the three great portions of the then known world had a representative hand in the death of Christ.

Asia accused and delivered him, in the person of the Jews; Europe judged and sentenced him, in the person of the Roman governor; and Africa came after him bearing his cross, in the person of Simon, the Cyrenian.

There is something significant in the very form of the narrative. “And they laid hold on one Simon, a Cyrenian, and on him they laid the cross.” As if one should say, Here is a fellow without rights, without business—a stray chattel, to be caught and impressed into any service among his betters that may happen to want him. He is good enough to bear the cross—that will just do for him. And so on him they laid the cross, that he might bear it after Jesus.

And so ever since, as ages have rolled on, Africa has been following after, wearily carrying that cross.

We talked once with a slave woman—a woman of noble figure and proportions, and of a soul grand and sweet as ever lived in a womanly frame.

She had in girlhood formed the resolution of celibacy, that she might not be a mother of slaves. Her master had forced her to marry, that she might bring forth children for him to sell. And she had borne eighteen boys and girls, and had seen them sold, one after another.

“Ah, ma'am,” she said, “I have borne this heavy cross many, many years.” But there was in this great soul, with a full consciousness of her wrongs, no revenge, no resentment. She bore the cross silently, in the very spirit of Him who went before her.

There came a black man to our house a few days ago, who had spent five years at hard labor in a Maryland penitentiary for the crime of having a copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin in his house. He had been sentenced for ten years, but on his promise to leave the State and go to Canada, he was magnanimously pardoned out. Everybody cheated him of the little property he had. A man for whom he had cut sixty cords of wood, paid him two dollars for the whole job—another found a pretext to seize on his little house; and so he left Maryland without any acquisition except an infirmity of the limbs which he had caught from prison labor. All this was his portion of the cross; and he took it meekly, without comment, only asking that as they did not allow him to finish reading the book, we would give him a copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin—which we did.

Who can speak the multitude, the variety, of woes and agonies which have gone to make up that cross? God is reminding us now, by our own experiences, what some of these woes may be like. Thousands of homes now have eyes that fail in looking for sons that shall return no more. Thousands of wasted, dismantled houses—thousands of untilled and desert farms—thousands of riven and shattered homesteads—make us a little aware in our own hearts what the dark man has been suffering for ages.

For that silent Sufferer who walked before the Cyrenian is one who never forgets—whose day of vengeance is the year of his redeemed.

He was the Lord, the King, the Sacrifice, both of the Jewish priests, the Roman governor, and the despised African; and the time is coming when they that have suffered, must also reign with him.

Silently he sits above and calmly looks down on the turbulent crowd of senators, politicians, generals, soldiers—all surging to and fro in their blind and passionate endeavors, and every one of them in turn repudiating their black brother.

“I do not care for the negro, but I care for the whites,” is now the very advance cry of those who take the side of Simon, the Cyrenian. “At least, let him have the privilege of digging our trenches where white men cannot work.”

“Ah, now, you have philanthropic views toward him,” shout the opposite party. “Look there, now, those men actually are getting philanthropic.”

“Not a bit of it,” is the rejoinder; “only twenty thousand white men died in the trenches before Richmond, and I had rather it had been twenty thousand niggers—that's all.”

But high above all sits the King who wore the crown of thorns. Let us tremble at the vision of him which the Apocalypse opens: “And I saw heaven opened, and behold a white horse; and he that sat upon him was called Faithful and True, and in righteousness he doth judge and make war. His eyes were as a flame of fire, and on his head were many crowns; and he had a name written that no man knew but he himself. And he was clothed with a vesture dipped in blood; and his name is called the Word of God. And the armies which were in heaven followed him upon white horses, clothed in fine linen, white and clean. And out of his mouth goeth a sharp sword, that with it he should smite the nations; and he shall rule them with a rod of iron; and he treadeth the wine-press of the fierceness of the wrath of Almighty God. And he hath on his vesture and on his thigh a name written, KING OF KINGS, AND LORD OF LORDS.”

That awful wine-press of the wrath of Almighty God: what is it? who can measure it?

Who can measure the wrath of pure love, of sensitive tenderness—the wrath of a father or a mother heart that has seen its children crushed, scattered, wronged, cheated, torn with scourges, pining with hunger, wasted with pain, through the slow coming of ages?

Fathers and mothers of this country! God loves the poor, despised African as you loved those sons whose sufferings—sick, wounded, mangled, prisoners, dying—you mourn.

The sons of the lonely slave-mother, torn from her to die in Carolina rice-swamps, are precious in her eyes as your sons that died in the trenches before Richmond. And to that nation, despised and cast out, reviled, abhorred of all, God says, “Since thou hast been precious in my sight, thou hast been honorable, and I have loved thee: therefore will I give men for thee and people for thy life.”

How long must this people wait in their hardness and impenitence with this great arrear of crime and injustice unrighted? The time has come when the nation has a right to demand, and the President of the United States a right to decree, their freedom; and there should go up petitions from all the land that he should do it. How many plagues must come on us before we will hear the evident voice, “Let this people go, that they may serve me?”

Must we wait for the tenth and last? Must we wait till there be not a house where there is not one dead? Harriet Beecher Stowe.

Personality of the Devil.

By Western Christian Advocate

That there is a principle, thing, or being, called the devil, is undisputed; also, that the nature thereof is evil. Reason and Scripture determine the personal existence, or personality of the devil. We first adduce a few reasons outside of Scripture.

1. This is the general belief of all ages and nations. The name, history, and destiny are somewhat diverse in the various creeds, but all recognize a personal antagonist to the Good Being.

2. Many have professed a consciousness of the communication of the soul with a something outside of self and opposed to God. This internal recognition of a personal, spiritual struggle with an evil being, is as clear to many as the knowledge of a physical struggle.

3. The prolonged, extensive, systematic plans for evil, prove the oneness of their author.

4. Some of the wonderful feats of magic, spiritualism, etc., can be explained only upon the supposition of the assistance of an unseen evil agent.

But our chief reliance is upon revelation. From this every mark which characterizes the personal identity of any being, can be shown to prove that of the devil.

1. Names are given him, which denote a person exercising will and influence: Tempter, an active agent; Satan, Devil, Abaddon, Apollyon, Great Serpent, roaring lion, liar, father of the lusts of men, etc.

2. He has the power of speech. He spoke to Christ, to Job, to Eve.

3. He was personally addressed three times during the temptation of Christ. See, also, the cases of the demoniacs, and Job, and the serpent in the garden of Eden.

4. He exercised, in some real sense, a power over the body of Christ. He "took him into the holy city," "set him on the pinnacle of the temple," took him up into an exceeding high mountain," etc. He had power over Job and others.

5. He has the power of reason. He presented arguments.

6. He has memory. He quoted Scripture.

7. He possesses desires. He is proud—wishes to receive worship.

8. He has power to act of himself. He is frequently said to come and go at his own pleasure.

9. He had two dwelling places. He, with others, left his own habitation, and is now "in darkness." "God spared not the angels that sinned, but cast them to hell."

10. He is responsible for his acts, for he is "reserved unto judgment."

This can be no evil principle, for the above reasons, and because Christ, who was tempted by him, had no evil principle. No explanation can do away with the inevitable conclusion that this is the devil—the arch-enemy of our souls—"who walketh about like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour."—Western Christian Advocate.

Sound Doctrine

Sound Doctrine.—Of all the forms skepticism ever assumed, the most insidious, the most dangerous, and the most fatal, is that which suggests that it is unsafe to perform plain and simple duty for fear that disastrous consequences may result therefrom. —Senator Hale.

Western Tour.

THE state of the cause in Iowa seemed to make it necessary that we should meet with the brethren in council at Lisbon, Iowa, July 29th and 30th, and to make the expenses of such a journey as light as possible upon the friends in Iowa, we decided to meet with the brethren at Avon, Wis., on our way out, and the next Sabbath at Round Grove, Ills., on our way back, at which places we could receive assistance on our journey. The plan worked well, but the journey was exceedingly wearing.

Sabbath and first-day, July 26th and 27th, we were with the church at Avon, Wis. The church there is large. The brethren came in from other places, so that there were about two hundred Sabbath-keepers present, notwithstanding the brief notice, in the midst of wheat harvest. This was one of the best meetings we ever enjoyed. The church at Avon are fast recovering from their trials, and are growing in unity, numbers, and strength. We found it a free place to preach the word. In the region round about volunteers are coming into the ranks, such as we hope will be useful members in the church. We baptized two sons of Bro. and Sr. Hoff, a son of Bro. Cheesbro, and three others. If the church at Avon continues to grow in faith, all striving for unity, its light will shine out in that region, and many more will be gathered to the truth.

After the second discourse on first-day, we started with private carriage for Crane's Grove, where we could take the cars for Iowa. At midnight we were driven into a private Dutch dwelling by a violent storm. Here we rested about three hours, when the storm was over, and the morning light cheered us on our journey seven miles to Bro. Newton's at Crane's Grove. The next day we took the cars for Iowa, which, not connecting at Clinton, detained us there, and somewhat delayed the council. When we reached the depot at Lisbon we were happy to find friends ready to take us to Bro. Wilson's, where we found refreshments, and met with Brn. Waggoner, Snook, Brinkerhoff, and many dear brethren who are true friends of the cause in Iowa. In this happy meeting we seemed to forget our weariness, and the unhappy events which had called the preachers from the Tent, and so many brethren from their harvest fields. For particulars see Supplement. In this we have another illustration of the evil consequences of self-confidence and rebellion of those of little experience in the cause of present truth. Here is where almost all who have finally left the Sabbath, have first stumbled. This point of danger must be guarded; first, by not trusting too much in the hands of inexperienced men; and, second, by faithfully warning young disciples of their danger of being deceived by Satan, and led to believe that they are "rich, and increased with goods, and have need of nothing; and know not that they are wretched, and miserable, and poor, and blind, and naked."

We were necessarily detained at Lisbon till Friday noon, when we took the cars for our appointment at Round Grove, Ills., and reached the home of Bro. E. Wick at midnight. Next morning at an early hour the school-house was filled. This meeting held two days. We preached four times, and Mrs. W. enjoyed usual liberty. Six were baptized.

Here we were happy to meet the four orphan children of Bro. and sister Hart, formerly from Vermont. These children have well borne the responsibilities thrown upon them by the death of both their parents. They have kept together, and have conscientiously observed the Sabbath, though but one of the four is sustained by living faith in Christ. We also met with Alburton Rice, the only surviving one of the Rice family, which family embraced the faith in Vermont, and have, link after link, been falling into the grave in hope of immortality at the soon-coming of Jesus, until but one is left. With these five orphan Sabbath-keepers we wept together, and prayed and hoped that they would all give their hearts to Christ, and so live that when the family chain shall be revived at the resurrection of the just, they may constitute links in it.

After the second meeting on first-day, Bro. Stone took us seven miles to his house where we were kindly cared for, and Monday morning took us to the cars for Chicago and Battle Creek, where, past midnight, we found our family well, and ourselves in pressing want of sleep and rest. The friends in Wisconsin, Iowa, and Illinois, kindly received and entertained us, and liberally met the expenses of the journey, and we feel that another cord binds us to the dear friends in the West. Our journey was hurried and our stay short, yet the blessing of God seemed to especially attend it. In one week we preached five times; twice in Wisconsin, once in Iowa, and twice in Illinois. Add to this the amount of travel, a two-days' council, much business relative to books, papers, Association, &c., and it will be admitted that we had a good chance to keep the rust off. Active life is our element. Here we find health and freedom of spirit, when allowed to be free from those unpleasant cares and burdens unreasonably thrown upon us in the past. Thank God for freedom, and may we be permitted to enjoy it, to spend the balance of this mortal life successfully in the cause of truth.

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