Ratification of the Russo-American Treaty.
The Senate hesitates about ratifying the Russo-American treaty. The United States can abundantly afford to pay $7,000,000 for the seacoast, fisheries and hunting-grounds of Russia on this continent, but the Senate is probably afraid that such a step would entangle the nation in the meshes of European politics and that sickening round of war which continually sweeps over that continent. Washington, whose statesmanship was hardly secondary to his military genius, set his face like a flint against interference in the affairs of Europe, and the Monroe doctrine, as it is called, has been steadfastly adhered to ever since. To take any step which would seriously endanger the peace of the nation would be unfortunate, and inexcusable in the extreme. What, it may be asked, is there in the present condition of European affairs to make the perfecting of the proposed treaty between Russia and the United States hazardous on our part? It is probable that another war in Europe is near at hand. The news that comes across the ocean all points that way. Judging from the past, the present complications in the East cannot be settled except at the cannon’s mouth. From the Bosphorus to the Rhine there are unmistakable signs of a terrible storm of blood and harvest of death. The Russian bear is in an agony of suspense to get hold of his share of the estate now held by the sick man at Constantinople. No spendthrift ever watched more eagerly for the death of a rich old miser, for the Sultan now holds the territory most coveted by the Czar. The Crimean war failed to accomplish the object had in mind by Nicholas, but Alexander has been steadily strengthening himself at home and abroad preparatory, it is reasonable to suppose, to another pounce upon Turkey. England and France are weaker now than then. The former is menaced by rebellion in Ireland; the latter lost its prestige in the German and Italian war of last summer. Besides, Napoleon has on hand just now the Paris Exposition, which he wants to get through with before buckling on the armor of war. He is in the show business just now, and if war should be declared before he gets through with that job, he would have a small elephant on his hands. He would be glad to employ the surplus energies of France in a European war, especially if it promised increased French territory a year or so hence, but for the present he would beg to be excused. This fact will make the unfriendly Powers all the more anxious to hasten the day of battle. The different nations of Europe are so interwoven in their interests and jealousies that Luxemburg and Servia, Ireland and Candia, form parts of the same whole. And it is not strange that our statesmen should stop to ask if Russian America, even if ceded to the United States, would not still be linked in destiny with European Russia. Once possess ourselves of it, and we should be obliged to maintain our right to it at the point of the bayonet, if need be. We could not “go back” on our own territory. All our national domain is sacred, and its soil must be protected from the invaders, but, whether it be located at the North pole, or in the tropics, on the seaboard or in the interior, wherever the American flag is entitled to wave, there must no intruders be tolerated. Yet it is well known that Russia and Great Britain are not agreed as to their boundaries, especially of that long strip of seaboard which constitutes the chief value of the cession. It is feared that should we purchase the possessions of Russia in the New World we should get more than we bargain for in the way of British lead and gunpowder. Of course the United States could soon vanquish England, and with Russia for an ally could safely defy all Europe; still it would cost far more money and lives than we care to pay for the bleak land and ice bound water of Russian America. If we cannot perfect the pending treaty without that, we had best leave it entirely alone. We have better use for our sons than setting them up as targets for the bullets of red-coated Englishmen. There are no soldiers in the world worthy to be compared with those of this nation, but good as they are as soldiers they are still better as civilians. An American is not at home upon the battle-field as much as in the work-shop, the counting-room or on the farm. We are a nation that love and improve peace and all its inestimable blessings, and we trust the time will never come when it shall be otherwise with us. No amount of territory is worth a single drop of human blood, especially to a nation already amply supplied with it. While all this is true, we do not share the apprehension that seems to have so much weight with the Senate. The ratification of the treaty which has been already signed would furnish no pretext whatever to England or any other Power to declare war against us, and as that would be equivalent to a declaration of war against Russia, which guarantees to surrender the same to us, we can see no real cause to be afraid of disturbing the peace of the nation. We have the same right to purchase of Russia her possessions on this continent as we had some years ago to buy Louisiana of France, and Florida of Spain. The precedent for the proposed cession has been established, and there is no going back of it. If, however, our Senators see fit to postpone decisive action until the next regular session of Congress, there can be no serious objection to it. The suddenness with which the news was flashed upon the public mind was almost startling. It is barely possible that there would be risk, in the present state of European affairs, in carrying the treaty into immediate effect. Unless, therefore, there is danger, and there probably is none, that the whole scheme will fall through unless at once carried out, delay will be safe and wise.—Chicago Journal.