p. 6 | World-Wide War by L. A. S.

Review and Herald Publishing Association · Washington, D.C. · Mar 17, 1904

World-Wide War

By L. A. S.

Not yet do we behold the reality of world-wide war, but we stand facing the most alarming prospect of it that ever darkened the sky of peace. A newspaper cartoonist has quite forcibly depicted the situation by representing the round ball of the globe as a bombshell, with a hand about to apply a lighted match to the fuse. The hand represents the war spirit, and if the fuse is lighted, the explosion will involve the whole world.

Is it to this that modern civilization has led the world? Is this the outcome of centuries of boasted progress in scientific and industrial pursuits? Was it all only to lead the world to a general smashup? If modern civilization can not be regarded as the cause of such a catastrophe, is it nevertheless powerless to avert it? In either case, it is found sadly wanting. It is not what the world most needs. It is not that which brings peace, and that prosperity of which peace is the foundation.

Every great nation on the earth is to-day actively preparing for war. The United States, once so secure in its isolation from Old World quarrels, now has its interests to safeguard in the threatened strife, in common with the powers of Europe. It is now itself an Old World power; for it has territory lying along the coast of Asia. It is by no means certain, in the opinion of sober-minded men of affairs, that this country will not be drawn into war before the powers now fighting in the far East shall have laid down their arms.

Russia and Japan are at war. Both these powers have allies and sympathizers among the other world powers. The integrity of China is at stake, and with it vast commercial interests shared by the world powers. Russia is anxious to involve other nations in the war. Ever since Napoleon’s disastrous retreat from Moscow, Russia has felt secure from invasion, and has little to fear in this respect from a European war. The first successes of the present war have been on the side of the Japanese. Russia has lost military prestige, which she feels that she must regain. To do this she would begin war in another quarter. We are told that Russia may decide to attack Turkey, and suddenly force her way to Constantinople. The Russian Black Sea fleet is said to be ready to attempt the passage of the Dardanelles in defiance of the prohibition of Turkey and other European powers. We are told also that a strong sentiment exists in Russia in favor of a war with England. France is the ally of Russia, and Germany has interests which cause her to stand with Russia rather than with England. Should Russia begin war upon Turkey or England, the echo of the first gun would be taken up and repeated all over Europe, and in the Western hemisphere as well. The way is prepared for just this result to follow. The world never faced a situation like it before.

There is danger that further successes of the Japanese may alone precipitate the general storm. This is pointed out by the editor of the New York Sun. In an editorial calling attention to ‘Paris, the Danger Point,’ the Sun says that the present French premier, M. Combes, who is the ‘mainstay of French neutrality,’ is likely soon to be succeeded in office by M. Doumer, formerly governor-general of French Indo-China and now a leading figure in the Chamber of Deputies, who is a champion of the policy of active co-operation with Russia in the far East. Russia is France’s only ally in Europe, and the loss of military prestige by Russia is a blow to France. ‘A number of Paris newspapers, headed by the Figaro,’ says the Sun, ‘point out that the security of France depends on the maintenance of the military prestige of Russia, her sole ally in Europe, and that her own position would be seriously weakened if Russia should be beaten by an Oriental power and forced to sign an ignominious peace. They further direct attention to the fact that should France insist upon maintaining neutrality, she would practically serve the turn of Russia’s enemies, because neither the Black Sea fleet nor the Baltic fleet—which, in the course of three months, is expected to be re-enforced with four or five new war-ships—could proceed with desirable celerity to the seat of war unless they could avail themselves of the French coaling stations on the route to the far East.’

The administration of the affairs of the French navy is a weak spot in the Combes cabinet, says the Sun, which M. Doumer threatens to expose when a favorable opportunity arises. There is, says the Sun further, great lack of harmony in the French cabinet. The governmental equilibrium under M. Combes is by no means stable.

Under these circumstances the news of a sudden serious reverse to the Russian arms might precipitate a crisis in France. ‘The capture of Port Arthur or of Vladivostok,’ says the Sun, ‘or a decisive defeat of a Russian army in Manchuria, might suffice to provoke an outburst of public feeling that no ministerial majority would be able to withstand.’ And when France moves to Russia’s aid, England will promptly take position on the opposing side, and Germany, Austria, Turkey, the United States, and other lesser powers will naturally be drawn into the strife. The whole world will become a harvest field of death and ruin.

It is an appalling prospect, yet it is conceded to be real, and no figment of pessimistic minds. It makes more real to the minds of those who have understanding of the times, the prophetic picture of four angels standing in the four corners of the earth, holding the winds of strife that are ready to blow, until the sealing work of God in the earth is completed. It should stir us to greater zeal in the discharge of the duties of this hour.

L. A. S.