p. 4 | The Conflict Between Capital and Labor by F. M. W.

Review and Herald Publishing Association · Takoma Park Station, Washington, D. C. · Sep 21, 1916

The Conflict Between Capital and Labor

By F. M. W.

A Significant Sign of the Times

THE great conflict between capital and labor has increased so gradually, and we have become so accustomed to its outbursts, that we scarcely realize its significance, nor do we realize the large interests, of both life and property, which are involved.

An excellent article in a recent number of the Social Service Review presents some statistics showing the growth of this agitation during the last few years, and some of the results which have attended the controversy. Quoting the United States Bureau of Labor statistics, the Review declares that between 1881 and 1905 there occurred in the United States 36,757 strikes, affecting 181,407 establishments. As a result of this industrial war 8,703,824 employees were thrown out of work. It is claimed that ninety per cent of these strikes were ordered by labor unions, as distinguished from strikes entered into by unorganized employees.

From 1906 to 1914 the strikes greatly increased, both in numbers and in cost. During this time the following workers, among others, were involved: 15,000 telegraphers, 12,000 longshoremen, 10,000 miners, 40,000 shirt-waist makers, 7,000 tin workers, 85,000 cloak makers, 40,000 garment workers, 1,200 street cleaners, 10,000 furniture workers, 4,000 cotton-mill workers, 29,000 woolen-mill workers, 7,000 silk-mill workers, 15,000 carpenters, 5,000 freight handlers, 5,000 waiters, 100,000 clothing workers. Much suffering, riot, bloodshed, and murder attended these strikes.

In the great anthracite coal strike in 1906 the workers lost the equivalent of 6,000,000 days, and in the anthracite coal strike of 1912 the loss in wages was estimated at $14,000,000. Some of these strikes caused great injury to the health and well-being of the community; such, for example, as the ice strike in Cincinnati, the electric railway workers' strike in Indianapolis, the postal transfer service strike in New York City, the hop pickers' strike in California, the copper mine strike of Michigan, the prolonged strike in the mining regions of Colorado, which developed into armed rebellion against the State.

Nor have the years 1915 and 1916 been exceptions to any of the years preceding. These last two years have been characterized by a large amount of industrial unrest. Early in 1915 the union of machinists began a series of strikes throughout New England. Serious industrial disturbances resulted in Bridgeport, New Haven, Brooklyn, and in many points in New York and Pennsylvania. The strike of the Standard Oil employees in New Jersey drew other classes of workmen into disorder and riot. Frequent street-car strikes have occurred, such as in Providence, Troy, Albany, Washington, and Philadelphia.

Last month a great street railway strike was declared in New York City. It was only through the strenuous efforts of Mayor Mitchel that a basis of agreement between the street-car men and their employers was finally reached. But this strike progressed sufficiently far to entail a loss of $600,000 to the street-car lines, and probably fully as much to their workers.

And the spirit of industrial unrest still continues in the great metropolis. A short time ago a strike was called on both the elevated and subway trains. This appeared to be only temporarily successful, the companies continuing to operate cars on both lines. At this writing, earnest appeal is being made to Mr. Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, to call to the aid of the striking carmen 800,000 other unionists of the city.

And thus the conflict goes on, and it will continue to go on till the end of time. The war between capital and labor as set forth in the Scripture is a sign that we have reached the last days of earth's history. (Read James 5:1-8.) It constitutes one of the great international questions which will bring grave concern to the governments of earth, and is one of the conditions which, according to the words of our Lord, will bring “upon the earth distress of nations, with perplexity,” in the days immediately preceding his coming.

This, perhaps, found exemplification in the great threatened railway strike a few

days ago, more than in any other strike which has ever occurred in this country. President Wilson and Congress felt that the safety of the commercial interests of the country was most seriously threatened; that the proposed strike would cause loss of untold millions of dollars to all classes of the population, and that in many places physical suffering, with loss of life, would ensue. After laboring most earnestly to bring the railroad men and their employees to terms of settlement, and failing in his efforts, in order to avert what seemed to him a dire calamity, the President recommended to Congress the passage of an eight-hour law for certain classes of railroad employees, thus meeting the principal contention of the railroad brotherhoods.

The passage by Congress of an eight-hour law, providing the same pay as for ten hours, has become a leading issue in the political campaign between the great parties. We do not deem it fitting that we should discuss in the columns of the REVIEW the political merits of the question. It is sufficient for the purposes of this article to state that the labor unions regard the action of Congress as a wonderful victory, and undoubtedly it will greatly strengthen their efforts to secure in the future further recognition of their claims. On the other hand, it is regarded by the representatives of capital as an effort on the part of the unions to impress Congress into the passage of class legislation. The New York Tribune, quoting a railroad representative, declares:—

“If these unions can force Congress to act under duress of a threat to imperil the life of the nation, and if there can be no hearing of the merits of the issues, then our society has broken down. It means that when the unions are strong enough, they can force what they want, no matter how right or how wrong they are.”

Similarly the New York Times, although favoring politically President Wilson and the present Congress, believes that the passage of the eight-hour law is a violation of the fundamental law of the country, and legislation in favor of class privilege. The editor says:—

“The blackmailing of the whole nation under the threat of a strike, and the extortion from a nation's legislature of a special act granting the demands of the brotherhoods without time to inquire into its justice or its practicability, put upon the country an intolerable humiliation. It reduces 100,000,000 people to a condition of vassalage, no longer permitted to make laws that freely express their will, but held up, as the highwayman's victim is held up, and forced to instant compliance with the terms imposed upon them by the leaders of organizations comprising only 400,000 of their number. But there is no other instance where a Congress of the United States has been forced to make laws under threat of a small part of the people to do immeasurable and irreparable injury to the others. If such an outrage can be put upon us unresisted, we have lost our republican form of government.”

That the questions between capital and labor have now reached a stage that will prove a serious bone of contention, not only between the political parties in the field, but in future sessions of Congress as well, is clearly evident. While it is to be hoped that such measures may be adopted as will establish a permanent basis of settlement between the railroads and their employees, it may be expected that the general controversy between the two classes will be greatly intensified.

While we watch the controversy, let us recognize it as a sign of the times in which we live. Let us keep from our hearts class distinction and class hatreds, seeking to bring before others, and even before those engaged in the great industrial conflict, the fact that the controversy in which they are engaged is significant of the times in which we live. And let us seek to show our fellows that even of greater importance than the struggle for the temporal things of this life, is the securing of a better life, which may be found in the acceptance of the Lord Jesus Christ as their Saviour.

Regarding the avowed purposes of the forces of labor, which, if carried out, must inevitably lead to a serious conflict in the future, we will speak at another time.

F. M. W.