In the issue of the New York Independent of August 14 is an interesting article by a singularly well informed and apparently impartial Italian writer, Salvatore Cortesi, on “The First American Mission to the Vatican.” This writer is in close touch with American affairs, and his article indicates a keen insight into the matters of which he writes. The declaration that this mission to Rome was a business one solely and not diplomatic has not been taken seriously either by the Vatican or the European powers. “Judge Taft,” says Mr. Cortesi, “was provided with credentials and with an autograph letter from President Roosevelt to Leo XIII., exactly like Mr. Whitelaw Reid for the coronation of King Edward VII., or like Lord Denbigh, the special envoy of England, who, similarly to Judge Taft, congratulated the pope on his twenty-five years of pontificate. The American representative seemed in reality more of a special envoy than the other two, as he even had a present from the President to the pope, consisting in a set of the literary works of the former; and the instructions given him by Secretary Root ended precisely as follows:— “Any assistance which you may require, whether on the part of officers of the civil government or of military officers, to enable you to perform the duties above described [the negotiations with the Vatican] in a manner satisfactory to yourself, will be afforded.” “It is out of the question,” continues Mr. Cortesi, “that no ambassador, no envoy extraordinary, has such powers as these. Besides, when in Rome, Governor Taft thought it his duty to be the first to pay visits to the ambassadors of France, Austria, Spain, and Portugal, accredited to the Holy See, thus putting himself on an equality with them. A few days after he arrived in the Eternal City there was a consistory at the Vatican, which is one of the most gorgeous and important functions of the Roman church, and Governor Taft accepted an invitation to assist at it in the diplomatic tribune, together with the ambassadors of the great Catholic powers, he being styled the Envoyé Extraordinaire of the President of the United States.” Thus it appears that notwithstanding the announcement that this mission to Rome was a business and not a diplomatic one, the governor conducted himself in every way as if he were in the diplomatic service, an ambassador accredited to the Vatican, and took his place among the ambassadors of other countries who were openly accredited to the ecclesiastical government at Rome. It is certain also that the Vatican regarded him as such—in fact the Vatican would be expected to do so; for his credentials were all that an ambassador could require. The result of this has been to establish negotiations between the head of this government and the head of the Church of Rome of such a complicated nature that they will practically be interminable, and will result, as it was intended by the Vatican they should result, in the establishment of permanent diplomatic relations. Nor will this be an offense in the eyes of the Italian Government, as some have supposed; for other governments, as Mr. Cortesi points out, most friendly to Italy have long maintained diplomatic relations with the Vatican, and Italy herself recognizes a certain sovereignty in the person of the pontiff. Germany, which is Italy’s ally in the triple alliance, has two legations accredited to the Vatican, and Italy has given no sign of a desire to dissolve the alliance because of that fact. Such a course as the establishment of diplomatic relations with Rome would not be out of harmony with present tendencies manifest in this government. So, whatever the intentions of the individual men concerned on the part of the United States, it is an indisputable fact that the mission of Judge Taft to Rome became of a diplomatic nature, and has set a precedent and opened the gate for recurring diplomatic missions in the future until permanent relations of that character shall be deemed expedient and necessary. Some hold that Rome has made a grave blunder and lost a grand opportunity by not settling the matter at once with Judge Taft and closing the negotiations, thereby receiving on the friars’ behalf the lump sum of some eight or ten million dollars with which to push her religious work in the islands. But Rome does not figure it out as a loss. Archbishop Ireland, who is said to have originated the idea of the negotiations at Rome, does not regard the outcome as a loss to the Church. With the outcome as it is, Rome has gained more in influence among the nations of the world than she has lost in money, and the money will be taken care of later. The Literary Digest, of August 16, in introducing a compilation of European opinions on the matter, says:— Mr. Roosevelt’s positive statement that the negotiations with the Vatican are not of a diplomatic character has been received in the European press with disrespectful amusement. It is admitted that he may call them undiplomatic so far as he and his mission are concerned, but need the pope and his cardinals be undiplomatic? European papers answer this query in the negative. The Paris Temps says: “De Tocqueville and Laboulayé would shudder in their graves if apprised that the land of the separation of Church and State had upon its own initiative rushed so near the peril of an adulterous union of the civil power and the spiritual power.” The same journal declares that the plan which Governor Taft was charged to urge upon the Vatican “amounts to a concordat,” and asks whether the object sought by the United States is worth such a price as “the conclusion of a sort of concordat, or treaty, with the Holy See.” Into this bewildering maelstrom has the government entered, and from the strong grasp of its centripetal whirl escape is well-nigh impossible. It is following in the wake of “the powers,” and all are being carried closer and closer to the vortex of papal domination. The nations are giving more and more attention to representation at the Vatican, and this means more and more influence and interference of the Vatican in their governments. The claim of the pope is that of sovereignty over all kings and peoples. It will be recognized before the end for a brief period (See Rev. 17:12-18) and influences are now at work to bring it about.