Universal Peace

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Pacific Press Publishing Association · Mountain View, California · Aug 8, 1911

FromSigns of the Times, Vol. 38, No. 31.

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Universal Peace

By Lawrence R. Hunter
"Nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom." This prophecy, uttered by Christ on the Mount of Olives, stands out before us at the present time in striking force; now as never before does it seem near its fulfilment. The dove of peace seems to hover over the whole universe; commerce is making gigantic strides, trade is booming, sovereigns and rulers are meeting frequently in perfect friendliness. The lines so long drawn between the nations appear to be almost obliterated. Treaties, arbitrations, peace conferences, reciprocity agreements — all these seem at last to have broken down the international barriers, and placed the nations on an equal footing, united them all in the glorious purpose of the uplifting of humanity in general.
So it seems to the casual observer. But is this outside appearance all there is to be considered? Are these outward protestations and overtures to be taken in good faith without question? The world in general by its attitude answers "Yes." Politicians, public speakers, college professors, statesmen, financiers, all unite in the general cry for universal peace. Some of them insist that the dawn of that time when the nations will settle their troubles amicably, is right now at hand. The Japanese minister, at a banquet tendered him recently, said in part: "There have been wars of the cross and the crescent, of the red rose and the white; but the sun and the stars have never quarreled in their courses, neither shall the two flags which bear those celestial emblems ever be carried at the head of hostile armies." Beautiful language, it is true! The figures of speech are admirable; but are they to be taken as they were given? No; and the speaker never imagined they would be, and his distinguished hearers never imagined they would be. The gathering was ostensibly in the interests of peace; and the baron took advantage of the occasion for a display of some choice, flowery rhetoric, and that is the extent of it.
It is true there is no immediate prospect of war with Japan. This article is not intended in that line. In the time that the prophecy refers to, we will not speak of nations as individuals, but all collectively as actors in that great world drama soon to be enacted. What concerns one nation at this day, concerns them all; the interests of one are the interests of the others. Therefore is there anything marvelous in these gatherings, this joining of hands across the sea? Is it not but an event in the inevitable course of evolution?
There has been, in the past few months, considerable press comment on the proposed arbitration treaty between Great Britain and America. The American people were responsible for the suggestion, and the English press, populace, and statesmen welcomed it with open arms. On all sides were heard commendations of President Taft for his presenting the idea in such excellent form; of the British statesmen in equally excellent form accepting it. But in all this seemingly unselfish concern for the uplifting of the races, for the betterment of existing conditions, was there no personal motive? Was it all concern for the welfare of the world in general?
Let us look back a few generations, and find, if we can, what has caused this softening of heart, what has caused the desire and passion for world conquest, this insatiable greed for territorial acquisition, suddenly to smolder and die out. Can it possibly be weakness on the part of the British statesmen, so long noted for diplomacy and shrewdness? No; for just as ably as Britain has been represented in the past, so is she now, by her foreign minister, Sir Edward Grey. He it was who, in the House of Commons, announced the fact that negotiations were under way, who stamped the proceeding with his approval, and in so doing but voiced the sentiment of the English nation at large.
America has never been considered as having more than ordinary desire to extend her dominions, not because of lack of ambition, but because at the present time, when America is at the zenith of her glory, there is nothing more to acquire. Everything is divided between the nations, and a squabble between two of them over any particular portion would involve the world. And who knows this better than the English statesmen, those long-headed diplomats who in the past have always first grasped the meaning of all world problems, who, always comprehending the situation before their slower-witted rivals, have taken the initiative, and always triumphed in the concessions and treaties bound to follow? It is true America opened negotiations. President Taft proposed the idea. The enthusiasm with which all England hailed the prospect of an Anglo-American treaty was gratifying. This unusual display of hearty feeling will hardly be understood, unless one remembers the political isolation of the British Empire. A people whose great empire has reached its zenith of prosperity, with nothing to look forward to beyond holding on, as long as possible, to what they now have, the English see, in the prospect of closer ties with the United States, the promise of a new era of national importance. This is the long and short of it. And what could strengthen her more, render her more nearly impregnable, than alliance with the most powerful civilized nation on the globe, with the people so closely akin to hers?
Were the overtures all on the part of America? Was she first to grasp the wonderful idea? Possibly; but Sir Edward Grey and his associates, if they are not responsible for the suggestion, must smile to themselves when they consider how perfectly everything worked to their advantage; for it is England who has profited by the alliance. Separated by thousands of miles of water from her nearest rivals, backed up by the resources of a practically unopened country, having little foreign territory to defend, what has caused this change in American policy? So long free from European alliances, so long confident of the natural position of her natural defenses, what, we say, has caused this change? Ask the shrewd Mr. Grey; ask, if you could, King Edward, now in his grave; and there you will find the answer.
Europe at the present time is in the midst of the longest period of peace she has ever enjoyed. Not since the Franco-Prussian War has there been any disturbance of note; and those who in the faintest way doubt that peace has come to stay, are ridiculed, they are branded as fanatics, as trouble makers. Since the proposal of the Anglo-American treaty, France and Japan have made overtures. France stands in nearly the identical position of England; and as for Japan, any one desirous of getting deeper into this question, can ascertain Japan's purpose immediately by inquiring into the condition of Japan's finances. With hardly enough revenue to meet the interest on her enormous debt, what could suit the Japanese better than a defensive alliance with her powerful neighbors, who are not only her neighbors, but her bankers as well? Tho this action of the several nations may be called a movement in the interest of world peace, there is no denial, there can be no doubt, that it is the same old idea of defensive alliance under a false guise. If any one desires to question it, let him read the speech of Sir Edward Grey himself, delivered in the House of Commons. An extract of it follows:
It is true that the two nations might still be exposed to attack by a third nation not in the agreement. I think it would probably lead to their following it up by an agreement that they would join with each other in any case in which one only had a quarrel with a third power, in which arbitration was refused.
This, then, is the "peace" so proudly talked of — this enforcing by two powerful nations of some action on a third. And if the third power in question refuses to arbitrate, then what? Will it still be "peace"? It may to all appearances be peace; but is there no distinguishment between an armed truce and peace? Is this the nations' idea of peace, so long dreamed of, and equally long desired?"I saw four angels standing at the four corners of the earth, holding the four winds of the earth, that no wind should blow on the earth, or on the sea, or upon any tree. And I saw another angel ascend from the sunrising, having the seal of the living God: and he cried with a great voice to the four angels to whom it was given to hurt the earth and the sea, saying, Hurt not the earth, neither the sea, nor the trees, till we shall have sealed the servants of our God in their foreheads."