The Hague Conference---What Is Behind It?
By M. Ellsworth Olsen
"REMEMBER this," said the late Marquis of Salisbury at a meeting held in the Mansion House, London, Nov. 10, 1897, "that THE FEDERATION OF EUROPE IS THE EMBRYO OF THE ONLY POSSIBLE STRUCTURE OF EUROPE WHICH CAN SAVE CIVILIZATION FROM THE DESOLATING EFFECTS OF A DISASTROUS WAR." It must be either the federation of Europe or disastrous war—the veteran statesman could see no third solution. And other statesmen are thinking along somewhat the same lines, else there would be no Hague Conference in this year of our Lord 1907. But the responsible heads of governments are too heavily weighted down with high duties of State to devote much thought to international pacification. The more one sees of the men who have come here to deliberate concerning the world's peace, the more one is convinced that they are here in obedience to a mandate not their own, nor yet one from their governments as such. There is a movement on foot in many different parts of the world which, whatever may be its future, has certainly gained great momentum in the last few years. Thru a variety of organizations, thru individual effort, thru the columns of the public press, and in many other ways the idea of human solidarity of interests is steadily forging to the front. There is heard on every hand the "Schrei nach Zusammengehoerigkeit" (cry for oneness), as the Germans have so well expressed it; the "Weltruf nach Assoziation" (world cry for association). Internationalism is in the air; it has received the warmest welcome in the circles of art and scholarship, and is subtly pervading the councils of State. What it may come to still remains within the realm of the unknown and the unknowable, but that it is a force to be reckoned with, no one can doubt. The World's Cry for Solidarity.
The peace conference has been called, we repeat, at the instance of this world cry for solidarity, and the center of the movement, the place where the real peace enthusiasts meet and discuss their far-reaching plans, is at the headquarters of internationalism on Princessegracht, overlooking one of the fine, well-shaded canals that contribute so greatly to the beauty and picturesqueness of Holland's capital. Here, in commodious rooms, one finds something going on daily—lectures, discussions, conferences, social events. Here one may read the reviews and magazines issued in a half-dozen leading languages of the world for the purpose of setting forth the essential oneness of the human race, and the utter foolishness of war between the nations. Here, too, one may meet some of the men and women who are doing most to forward the peace movement. Before the close of the conference probably nearly all of the leading spirits will have come hither; for The Hague is just now an exceedingly interesting place to these messengers of international peace and good-will who see in the present conference the possible realization of their dearest hopes. Interesting and Significant.
It will not be possible to give the opinions of more than a few of the chief promoters of the peace movement, but I shall try to take some of the most representative ones. Mr. Felix Moscheles, chairman of the International Arbitration and Peace Association, member of the Bureau de Berne, and editor of "Concord," a well-known London magazine, was the first member of the fraternity I had the pleasure of interviewing. Mr. Moscheles resides in London, and is an artist by profession. He has exhibited at a number of the leading galleries, and numbers among his sitters Mazzini, the Italian patriot, our own Grover Cleveland, and many other celebrities. He was on terms of intimate friendship with Du Maurier, the well-known author of "Trilby," and has written a book recounting some of their early experiences together. His engrossing pursuit of art, in which he has won deserved fame, has not, however, hindered him from doing much in the cause of the world's peace, and to-day, at seventy-four, he is as keenly alive to the horrors of what he justly calls the present "international anarchy," and as eager to bring about a better state of things, as when he first began to agitate the matter. Indeed, he belies his years, for he is still possessed of the alertness and vigor of youth, and if nature has given him the silvery crown she has not yet imposed the infirmities of old age. In his bodily presence, as well as in his writings, the genial editor of "Concord" gives one the impression of having plenty of reserve force. We may, therefore, be justified in believing that with a splendid record behind him of endeavor and achievement in the interests of international amity, he also has much ahead. I caught Mr. Moscheles at his hotel the other morning, and asked him his impressions of the conference thus far. "I am pleased," he replied, "but to me it is a great achievement that there should be such a conference at all. If it had been told me years ago that practically all the nations of the world would be represented at a conference held in the interests of peace and fraternity, I should have regarded it as hardly less than a miracle." "You were also here at the first conference in 1899. How does the present meeting compare with that?" "There was more skepticism among the delegates of the first conference. The nations were feeling their way then. This is still true in a measure. The delegates represent widely separated countries and greatly differing interests. Naturally they are somewhat reserved and a little suspicious of one another." "Don't you think this feeling of mutual suspicion is in the natural order of things, and would effectually bar the way to universal peace?" "I do not. When I go to America, as I have done several times, I find the Englishman, the German, the Austrian, the Frenchman, and the Italian all living together in perfect amity with one another and with the native Americans. This demonstrates to my satisfaction that there is nothing inherent in the different nationalities which renders them obnoxious to one another, or makes it necessary for them to indulge in mutual distrust and suspicion. "It doesn't pay, this building up of walls of separation. Union does pay. We stand for an ideal which is thoroly practical, and as such it makes a strong appeal to sensible men. The future is for cooperation in distinct opposition to competition. Scientific progress points in that direction. No petty limits mark off the field of science, or separate between the scholars of one country and those of another." "Yes, the commercial development is likewise in the same direction. I am opposed to the trusts because of the way they use their money, and because of various abuses associated with them; but I can not but view the massing together of great commercial interests in one gigantic organization as a thing good in itself. Only, there should be public control, because such large public interests are at stake." "Then you believe Socialism is a force that makes for peace between nations?" "I do. Socialism acknowledges the common brotherhood of man, and is working in the main for principles which must commend themselves to mankind. "When do I look for this fraternization of the nations?—That is more than I know. We must not expect to see results too soon. Nothing happens to-morrow. Nothing, again, happens alone. The reforms which the world needs are like spokes in a wheel, and they must move round together. Social conditions must be changed before some of these international questions can be settled. "The United States of the World?—It is a conception we may look forward to, but we must not expect it very soon. "Who would be the head of such a confederacy?—That is beyond us. Circumstances change. Perhaps there would be no head. "Do I think the occupant of the papal chair would prove an acceptable head?—No, I don't think the present outlook would justify such an expectation. "How would the decisions of the world-tribunal be enforced?—That would have to be by public opinion. In the last resort we should have to conceive of some kind of international police force. But such speculations are hardly profitable. We have to feel our way in all such matters, and grapple with the difficulties when they present themselves. "How long have I been engaged in peace propaganda?—Ever since I was fourteen years of age. I was attending a school in Germany. A number of us students from different countries had come together one evening to listen to a paper on patriotism. I said, 'Patriotism is a vice,' and I am still of that opinion. I don't know of a more appropriate term to apply to something that makes a man at the sounding of the war trumpet eager to shoot his fellow man. "Yes, I have lived to see considerable progress made in the direction of peace, and I certainly think that the present conference, judging from the general spirit shown by the delegates, and the agenda which they have placed before them, looks at least very hopeful." I met the Baroness Von Suttner at the close of an excellent address in which she had dealt with the question of the use of air-ships for war purposes. The author of "Lay Down Your Arms" will hardly need any introduction to American readers. I found her a woman of commanding presence and stately dignity with all that generous ardor of temperament which one would expect to find in one who has written with such eloquent sympathy of the horrors of war and the blessings of peace. The recipient last year of the Nobel peace prize, founder and president of the Austrian Peace Society, and vice-president of the International Peace Movement, the Baroness Von Suttner is11in the very forefront of the world's peace workers, and her addresses at the International headquarters have been received with great interest and enthusiasm. Asked her opinion of the conference, she said: "Do you think it will accomplish a great deal in the interests of universal peace?" "That is hard to say at this date." "Do you think the delegates are inclined to peace?" "Not all, of course. I fear some of the delegates are very jealous of maintaining all the horrors of war as ever practised, because of some supposed advantages to the country they represent. But there are others who are devoted advocates of peace; a third and perhaps largest contingent are at least favorable to peace, and will give their votes to throwing some needful restrictions about war with a view to limiting its sphere of destruction." "Do you think there is a good prospect of a permanent court of arbitration being formed to which the nations of the world would refer their disputes?" "The cause of arbitration has made very great progress in the last few years, and I think we are justified in expecting that this conference will take some important advance steps. The time is ripe for action. Public sentiment calls for something to be done toward bringing the nations closer together." The Baroness added that in her travels about she had found in many places a general awakening on the subject of international peace, and she hoped that no untoward influences would be brought to bear to hinder The Hague Conference from doing the work it was evidently called to do. The opinions of W. T. Stead, another enthusiastic worker in behalf of peace between the nations, I gave in my previous article. It remains to give my readers some idea of a phase of the general peace movement which is in some ways more definitely conceived, and at the same time of broader scope, than anything hitherto placed before the public. I refer now to the "Foundation of Internationalism," an enterprise headed by Dr. P. H. Eykman, a well-known Dutch physician and hygienist, and his friend, Mr. Paul Horrix. These gentlemen have been for some years developing a plan for international institutions on a large scale, which they are now bringing before the world. A brief outline is all that can be attempted in this article, but I may have occasion to refer to the matter later. It is generally known that Mr. Andrew Carnegie has given a large sum of money for the erection of a permanent building for The Hague Peace Convention. The Holland Government has accepted the money, and the committee appointed to select a site has suggested a spot within the city limits, bordering on ground not built on at present, but which would be likely to rise in value immediately the building was erected. The plan of Dr. Eykman and Mr. Horrix is to go out to a place northwest of the city, to buy a large piece of ground and sell out portions of it at advanced prices to raise money for the enterprise. The latter plan certainly seems the broader one; but it is doubtful whether it will be carried into execution, as there are powerful interests in favor of the former. Dr. Eykman has in mind no less a place than a world's capital at The Hague. The peace conference building would form the center of a new city, springing up, as it were, on the borders of the old city. It would be laid out with perfect regularity, and the buildings which would be the headquarters of the various international societies could be conveniently disposed about the campus. Dr. Eykman's first idea, was the founding of an international bureau of hygiene. Then, on examining into the matter further, he began to realize that hygiene was related to paidology and to economics, and that all the arts and sciences were closely bound together, and would be greatly stimulated and encouraged by having permanent headquarters at such a place as The Hague. At the present time, as Dr. Eykman points out, international conferences of a scientific character are held from time to time, but the good they might do remains largely undone because they are hampered in various ways, and especially so in not having a permanent office. The Hague is centrally located, and being the capital of a small country would not be likely to provoke the jealousy of rival powers. Moreover, the land is well suited for the purpose. At the present writing the promoters of this world enterprise are receiving encouragement from a number of prominent men, and even if the site of the proposed palace of peace were to be retained, it would still be possible to carry out the larger plan in all its details, excepting the location of the peace palace. Among the men who support this movement are such well-known names as Bjornstjerne Bjornsen, the Norwegian poet, Lord Kelvin, Sir William Ramsay, Richard Strauss, George Brandes, John S. Sargent, and a long list of other prominent men representing the leading nations of Europe. Dr. Eykman and Mr. Horrix are men of great push and boundless enthusiasm. They are on fire with their project, and supporters are rallying round them. There is, indeed, something almost fascinating in the idea. "A city shall arise, the capital of the world, in which will be concentrated the intellect of all nations, there to form in organized and continual cooperation the great focus of universal culture." "The brains of the world," Stead has called it. The idea is striking. Can it be realized? That remains to be seen. Meanwhile the promoters of the scheme are working with admirable enthusiasm, and bid fair to make some adequate impression on the public mind. These, then, are some of the personalities at work behind the scenes. The discussions at Princessegracht are unofficial, but sooner or later in essentials they come before the delegates in the Ridderzaal. It is these enthusiasts who have done most to bring about the calling of the conference, and they will probably exert some influence on its deliberations.