Communication from Bro. A. Byington.
By Anson Byington
DEAR BRO. SMITH : Although scarcely able to write legibly, on account of a severe bruise on my right shoulder, I must make an effort to review your remarks on my letter contained in the Review of the 10th inst. Without saying that the Review has ever changed its position with respect to slavery—without saying how far my confidence in it has been misplaced, I must say, emphatically, that no press, no pulpit, no ecclesiastical or political combination of men, however fervent in its prayers, or beneficent in its alms, however earnest and fearless in its rebuke of the slave-owner as a violator of the divine law, can be an available auxiliary in the cause of emancipation, while it makes no effort to give the slave the protection of human law. If we would ever see the laws of our land protect all its inhabitants, our moral suasion must be brought to bear on those who make them, on law-makers, and on makers of law-makers. You say, "the tyranny of oppression secludes the slaves beyond our reach;" an assertion which I utterly deny. For, although we may not be able to give bread for their hunger, or medicine for their disease, nor even Bibles for their enlightenment, yet every opportunity we have to elect civil officers, whose official power, if rightly and constitutionally exercised, would secure liberty to all alike, brings us within reach of "the man fallen among thieves." I know Adventists will say they have no beast on which to set him, that they are all on foot themselves; that although they were even slaves, and although their good Samaritan neighbors, mounted on the able steed—the Federal constitution, should offer to take them on, they would not dare to venture on the back of a beast who, though his horns be like those of a lamb, yet speaks as a dragon, and who has so often thrown so many of his riders. But I have the full confidence that the powerful steed is perfectly manageable, that with prudent care, and steady rein, (with impartial legislation,) he would carry us, wounded man and all, safe to the inn—to the halls of public justice where the cure by impartial judicial action would be certain. I admit that the legislation, not only of the slave States, but also of the nation, is dragonic enough to warrant the application of the prophecy of the two-horned beast to our government, but I deny that our Federal constitution any where speaks as a dragon; but on the contrary, I maintain that its prohibitions and provisions are ample to nullify all Sunday laws, as well as slave laws, and to fulfill its promises in the preamble to establish justice, and secure liberty, the great ends for which it was ordained of God through the people of the United States, and that "we the people" are morally responsible for its just and faithful administration, whatever may be the meaning of the prophecies, or however near the second advent. This, to Adventists, may seem impracticable, or if not impracticable, to be but a secular and secondary interest, compared with the rescue of God's people from fallen Babylon, as it truly is, when viewed only in its secular aspects; but, if the blood of the slave shall be found in our skirts in the final judgment, if our final condemnation shall proceed on the ground of our neglect of duty "to the least of these," it will then seem to have been a matter of primary, rather than of secondary importance. Indeed, there is really nothing secondary in morals, for although the first great commandment in the law enjoins supreme love to God, yet the second is like unto it, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." Is the human ruler—the governor of a State, or the president of the United States, under primary and moral obligation to be just, ruling in the fear of God? So are his constituents under equal obligation to elect such governors and presidents as they have good reason to believe will be just. Is God's holy law the higher and universal law? and does it recognize the rightful existence of human law and human rulers at all? If so, it must require the just administration of the law by the ruler, as well as the obedience and submission of its subjects. Reformers must rebuke unjust rulers, and their constituents, as well as rebellious subjects. Need we go to the South to find the proper subjects of this reform? not at all. There is no one State in our whole thirty-three, that has given the fugitive slave the full benefit of her constitutional175State sovereignty, in protecting him from the prowling kidnapper, nor has any one of them ever sent a delegation to Congress, by whom the slave's constitutional right to liberty and citizenship has been manfully maintained. So that there are men enough about our doors under the dominion and bondage of this political sin, of which they must repent or perish, on whom reformers might afford to expend some little effort. So long as I shall remain firm in my views of the constitution of our country, as expressed above, I shall feel my obligation to spend time, and breath, and money, for their promulgation and maintenance. Nor can I well afford to patronize any pulpit or periodical professing to be a moral reformer, which denies or ignores this obligation. But if you can prove these views to be incorrect, and show that our constitution is a "covenant with hell, and an agreement with death," if its alleged pro-slavery guarantees can be fairly made out—if its guarantees of liberty, and prohibitions of slavery can be fairly and fully explained away, then will your obligation cease to act under it. But if human government be an ordinance of God, you cannot claim our confidence as a true and available reformer, until you put forth your efforts and influence for positive revolution, or for dissolution of our national compact, and re-organization on the basis of the Declaration of Independence. Or, if it be admitted that all human government is of the Devil, there will be no difficulty in believing that the Prince of darkness will hold his dominion to the end. Although I have long been a reader of your columns, I have never asked to occupy space in them. If you can afford to publish the above, whatever strictures you may subjoin, I shall by no means insist on having the last word. Yours in hope of an inheritance in that everlasting kingdom, whose government needs no reform, where the servant is free from his master.
ANSON BYINGTON. Nicholville, N. Y., March 28th, 1859. NOTE. We have no strictures to offer on the above. Our brother has made a declaration of his position, as we have of ours. Time will shortly determine the best policy.—ED.