The Christian Statesman of July 4, 1889, says that:—
“The moral and religious needs of the army and navy of the United States have been brought before several church courts within a year or two, and action has been taken looking to—
“1. The appointment of chaplains in such numbers as to provide for every post occupied by troops.
“2. A movement to secure the convocation of the chaplains in annual session for conference about their work, and for devising new and improved methods.
“3. The setting apart of the Sabbath on or immediately preceding the Fourth of July as Army and Navy Day, on which one service, at least, will be held in connection with that patriotic occasion, when special prayers shall be offered, and the attention of the congregations called to the duty of the church toward the naval and military forces of the country, which are maintained for the supremacy of authority and defense of our orders, who, by the manner of life required in the service of their country, imperil both soul and body for the common good.
“4. That gambling be prohibited in the army and the navy.
“5. That the use of intoxicating liquor as a beverage be prohibited.
“6. That the rights of Christian officers and men to a conscientious observance of the holy Sabbath be guaranteed against invasion by superiors in requiring any duty not exigent and unavoidable.
“7. That a commission of five, with a corresponding secretary, be appointed to co-operate with like commissions from other churches in obtaining, as soon as possible, the legislation necessary to secure the above-mentioned improvement in the moral and religious condition of our soldiers and marines; and also to act as a board to examine and recommend for appointment to the position of chaplain, such ministers as may apply for such position.”
When the legislation necessary to secure all that has been adopted, then, how far will the country be from a union of Church and State? How far from a church domination in civil affairs? But beside all this, whoever before heard of any man’s imperiling his soul for the public good? What good can any man do to the public by imperiling his soul ten thousand times? A man cannot do the public, nor himself, nor anyone else, any good by imperiling his soul. He can do only harm to himself, and, perhaps indirectly by his influence, to others. A man cannot imperil his soul except in the way of sin, and sin never can be for the common good, nor any other kind of good.
Sin is the only thing that can ever imperil anybody’s soul. Suppose then that the commonwealth of souls were imperiled, and for the common good of souls the men in the army and navy, one and all, by some masterly stroke of sin, imperil their souls for the common good; what possible benefit could ever that be to any soul? It would only the more certainly imperil the souls of those who did it.
But all this is consistent with the National Reform idea of the success of moral and civil things. Civil government is for the common good. If a man can imperil his soul for the common good, it must be that the souls of men are a part of the commonwealth, and when anyone sees the commonwealth of souls in danger he shall imperil his for the common good! Did such wild nonsense ever get into the brain of anybody but a National Reformer? A. T. J.
A Fatal Alliance.
The zealous sectarians of Washington Territory have been unusually active in procuring signatures to petitions asking the Legislature in session at Olympia to pass laws exempting church property from taxation. This was one of the important questions before the people during our recent visit to the upper country. The position of all Jewish-American citizens on this subject is well known. They are unflinching opponents of any alliance between Church and State, since history teaches that all such alliances have been fatal to individual rights and the liberty of the people. This is strikingly illustrated in the history of Italy, of Spain, and of Mexico, and of other countries. The colonies of America under English rule give further proof of the danger of an alliance of Church and State. The dominant sect, taking advantage of this union of the civil and the ecclesiastical law, persecuted the minor sects, and did not hesitate to inflict torture upon all who dissented from the ruling sect. The colonies but followed the cruel, remorseless code of religious Europe, both before and after the Reformation.
With these facts before us, we deemed it our bounden duty to oppose, with all the influence at our command, the scheme of the various sects that sought to accomplish a result which we know would be a virtual union of Church and State in Washington Territory, so far as the non-taxation of church property is concerned. We delivered an address on the subject before a mixed audience in the Unitarian Church at Tacoma, which seemed to reflect the views of the liberal and enlightened portion of the community. The Unitarians and other liberal-minded Christian sects are, like ourselves, the avowed opponents of the marriage of Church and State, as are that great body of citizens who, while deeply religious by nature, are not communicants of any church. Conspicuous among our best and noblest friends at Tacoma as a resolute opponent of Church and State alliance, is Rev. Mr. Copeland, pastor of the Unitarian Church of that city. The reverend gentleman has the courage of his convictions, and on the point under discussion his intelligent congregation heartily coincide with him.
Underlying this important subject are some fundamental truths which should not be forgotten, and which, kept constantly in view, are bulwarks to strengthen citizens in their duty towards the State. Under our republican system of government the observance of religion is purely a private act, and the Constitution of the United States solemnly prohibits all interference on the part of the State as to the manner in which each citizen may worship according to the dictates of his conscience. All church property, under the real letter and spirit of the national Constitution, is private property, and should be taxed like any other private property. The church must pay for protection like the citizen. It is manifestly unjust and unconstitutional that a vast religious corporation, owning millions of dollars worth of real estate, with costly temples thereon, in the heart of great cities, should go untaxed, while the house and lot of the humble carpenter, shoemaker, tailor, or other tradesman, are taxed to the cent. In some States this crying injustice is still perpetrated in defiance of the national Constitution, but fortunately California is not burdened with this relic of barbarism still existing in other commonwealths of the Union. The American people have shattered the fetters and chains forged by priests and kings to keep mankind in bondage of mental and moral degradation, but alas! there still exists among certain sects in this country an evil and lurking spirit that would again gladly welcome a fatal union of Church and State. To carry on a peaceful, unending war against this evil spirit of sectarian fanaticism, until it is educated to obey the civil power, is the sacred duty of all true lovers of civil and religious liberty.—Jewish Times.
Church and State.
THE NEW Mexico constitutional convention, now in session at Santa Fe, has been addressed in an open letter by Archbishop Salpointe, defining the Roman Catholic position on education, and appealing to the convention to shape the new constitution in accordance with it. If the request should be acceded to, the constitution of New Mexico would be radically different from that of any existing constitution in the United States, either State or territorial, says the Denver News. It would be a radical innovation upon the spirit of the national organic law, and upon the practice of the respective States. The archbishop wants an association of Church and State, by which the State shall provide for religious instructions in the public schools, to be supported from the school fund, supplemented by general taxation. He cites the Canadian and European plans to illustrate his meaning. The proposition is deadly to a principle that underlies this free government, and that is essential to its perpetuity. The alliance of Church and State it contemplates is unfavorable to civil liberty and to spiritual progress. Our present system has worked for more than a century with better results than any other known to history. Would it be wise to transform the government in a matter of vital importance by borrowing an educational system from Canada or from Europe? The Canadian method has pitted one province of the dominion against the rest in a war of treasonable bigotry and religious hate. What European country do we care to select as an example in this particular? Are not the superior advantages of the United States in giving humanity a chance conceded by the oppressed of every land? Does not the flow of immigration, aggregating more than seven millions, affirmatively answer the question? Why, then, seek a radical change in the government? Will anyone question that the archbishop asks for a fundamental change? There is no better authority on this point than Judge Cooley, who, in his “Constitution Limitations,” enumerates among those things which are not lawful under any of the American institutions, “the compulsory support, by taxation or otherwise, of religious instruction. Not only is no one denomination to be favored at the expense of the rest, but all support of religious instruction must be entirely voluntary.”
With such a revolution backward as Archbishop Salpointe would provide for in the constitution of New Mexico, the territory would not stand one-half the chance of getting into the Union that Utah would, with polygamy in its most rampant stage; and what is more, the admission of Utah with polygamy would not involve a tithe of the danger to the nation that would be inseparable from the archbishop’s proposition, should it be adopted. This country has a moral force to overcome polygamy in a single commonwealth, but the sacrifice of the public-school system in only one State, by recognizing an alliance that has proved a blighting curse to the human race, would be an entering wedge that would stimulate a controversy of the most wretched kind that can afflict a people. The archbishop’s idea is imported. It is not American, but is hostile to American liberty. In the several constitutions lately adopted by the northern Territories it is not heard of.
Concessions have been made touching the public schools for nearly fifty years, and even now there is an overwhelming spirit of fairness that is310willing and anxious to protect the rights of all. But the line has been drawn against the first step that points against their disintegration and destruction. Nine-tenths of the American people will sustain our system of popular education intact, and the proportion will never be diminished. Time, progress, and civilization are all with the majority in this case.
The contest that has been plainly outlined on the school question involves alienations and antagonisms among the people of a common country, who have hitherto lived happily together and enjoyed a degree of prosperity unequaled in the annals of time. Under our common schools peoples of many nations and various creeds have become Americans, brothers in patriotism, sincerely respecting each other’s religious convictions, but free from the most pitiable sentiment that ever dishonored manhood,—religious bigotry and narrow intolerance. Moreover, under this system, all forms of religion have evinced a vitality that they possess nowhere else. But the mandate has gone forth that there must be strife. It is due to a force that in the interest of society has been repeatedly suppressed by leading nations, and that was once distinguished as a danger by the papal authority, a prohibition that lasted for nearly forty years. The same force now controls the destinies of the church, and in undertaking to stem the tide of intellectual progress it has shattered Catholicism in Europe, aggravated the causes that turned Italy against the Vatican, and nearly finished the process of making France infidel. It now assumes to revolutionize this government by a union of Church and State for educational purposes, a step in the direction of ecclesiastical ascendancy.—Hoof and Horn, the Stockman’s Journal of Arizona.
Hear “The Church Union.”
By A. M.
IN the August issue of the above paper we read the following: “The Russian Government seems to favor church union, and manifests the same in its own autocratic way. In that country it shall be the ‘Greek’ Church or nothing. No other is permitted to have a secure footing. Only the other day the Lutherans numbered many thousands (twenty, we are informed), who had long worshiped within the empire of the czar; and now they are prohibited. Their fate is, however, that of all the other evangelical people who are of a like citizenship, and who refuse to acknowledge the ecclesiastical headship of the reigning monarch.
“Whilst we do, of course, condemn this ‘heroic’ surgery, even in a cause the principle of which is sound—a surgery to which freemen would never submit—[Why not, if the principle be sound?] yet we have been sometimes tempted to wish that there were some authority the rational exercise of which would render impossible the further continuance of useless denominations of Christian believers, or the needless formation of new ones in the future! Meanwhile, in the absence of such a power, the appeal must be made to that piety in the churches which will not forever allow bigotry to get the better of sober thoughtfulness.”
The above article, if submitted to the pope, would secure his eager approbation, and at the earliest hour possible he would be glad to favor the friends of “The Church Union” by using such “authority” as “would render impossible the further continuance” and “formation” of Protestant denominations. Then, friends, after having been forced to unite with the Roman Catholic Church, your yearning after “Church Union” would be satisfied, we presume, and perhaps you, in anticipation, date the millennium from that event. Or is it possible that we misunderstand? for another version of the above would be, that the only objection you have to the Russian tyrannical attempts at church union, “the principle of which is sound” (!?), is the accidental fact that it is the Russian Government in the enviable position of “power” and “authority,” and not the supporters of “The Church Union,” whoever they may be. Excuse us for misunderstanding; but you should speak plainer. Or do you find it advisable to wear the sheep’s clothing? “Meanwhile,” may God, in his infinite mercy, continue “the absence of such a power” from our beloved country, for its presence would mark his just wrath over our sins. Include this petition in your prayer, dear reader, the more so since such “piety in the churches” is already “bigotry,” and not “sober thoughtfulness.”—A. M., in Lutheran Witness, Sept. 7.
Preach the Word
“I CHARGE thee therefore before God, and the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall judge the quick and the dead at his appearing and his kingdom, preach the word.”
The Sunday Question.
By Editor
OPPOSITION to evil institutions because of their evil effects is, we think, a justifiable procedure; but opposition to one institution in the spirit of rivalry for the purpose of proselyting to another, is on a par with the act of one individual trying to gain by causing another individual to lose—attempting to climb up by pulling others down. But the phase of this subject which should stir to vigilance every truly American citizen is the movement back of, and principal to, this Sunday reconnoissance, the Sunday-law movement being but the thin end of the union-of-State-and-Church wedge that is thus insidiously trying to get vantage-ground in the nation; a wedge that if allowed to enter in the least will split wide open this Union and baptize our now glorious country in the blood of civil war once more, as surely as Americans love liberty as much as they love life!
The reason given by Dr. Crafts for closing theaters and saloons may be a good basis for ecclesiastical law governing the church membership, but, as a reason for State interference, it is naught. To enact and enforce laws that have as their only or their chief object, directly or indirectly, proselytism, is to unite the functions of Church and State, making the latter subservient to the former at that, which is contrary to the principles of this republic and the spirit of this nation. If attendance at theaters and saloons on Sunday are crimes as man against man, then abate them by law for that reason; if the theaters and saloons are simply successful rivals of the churches, that is the church’s, and not the State’s affair, and they should compete with these counter-attractions as best they can.
Rev. W. D. Gray, secretary of the Missouri Sabbath Union, an auxiliary of the American Sabbath Union, defines the object of this organization as follows:—
“I do not believe that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, and so the object of this movement [to secure Sunday legislation] is an effort to change that feature of the fundamental law!”
Is this not striking at the vitals of the republic? Is there no impending danger to our country when within is a powerful national association with auxiliaries in nearly every State plotting and working, confessedly, to “change that feature of the fundamental law” which constitutes this a free country? Destroy the American principle of “governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed,” and the chief corner-stone of the republic is destroyed, and in its place substituted the chief corner-stone of monarchism, viz., “the divine right of kings;” and our hundred years’ “experiment” will have proved a failure, to the great delectation of the monarchists who have been prophesying that result, and the hopes of liberty-loving people everywhere will be blasted.
Anarchism may threaten us, but compared with the insidious National Reform foe, anarchism is simply lilliputian. “No danger!” say many; but well do we remember the same delusive assurance in 1860-61!
Let everyone who has at heart the perpetuity of the basic principles of our government, and the liberties they vouchsafe alike to all loyal citizens, beware of being entrapped by this “Sabbath union” scheme of the State-church party. Investigate thoroughly before signing any petition, however innocent it may appear at a first superficial view. Remember that “eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.”—Silver Gate, August 24.
Will They Compromise?
THECalifornia Prohibitionist argues thus in favor of a Sunday law:—
“To Prohibitionists, especially, should it commend itself, inasmuch as it grants us one-seventh of what we are after, and puts in our hands the necessary legal appliances for enforcement. That this is a great gain over the unrestricted reign of the saloon, not only in its direct results, but also in its indirect influence, as an example of the benefits of prohibition, admits of no question. We do not contend that Sunday prohibition and Sunday rest is the end for which we should strive; but if we can secure it incidentally, we believe it will hasten the day of our final victory, and so prove a blessed factor in the advancement of sobriety and good government.”
We do not see how Prohibitionists can take such ground as this. They very properly oppose high license on the ground that it is a compromise measure. Is not Sunday closing the same? There is scarcely an argument used against high license which cannot be urged with equal force against Sunday closing of saloons. When it has once been introduced, those liquor sellers who are able to remain in the business are all in favor of high license because it gives them a monopoly of the business, and already some saloon men have declared in favor of Sunday closing, for the reason that it gives them a day off each week without materially reducing their receipts. The most of those who want to drink on Sunday will procure their liquor on Saturday if they know that they cannot get it on Sunday, and we would not be surprised to see erelong many of the liquor men wheeling into line for a Sunday law. Indeed, this has already been foreshadowed by the suggestion made in a Sunday-law convention in San Francisco, that the saloon keeper should “have a chance to rest on the Sabbath.”
Certainly, why not? And we have seen it plainly stated by at least one Prohibitionist in a so-called Prohibition paper, that if the saloons would close on Sunday it would be about all that could be reasonably asked.
A Peculiar Sabbath.
W. F. CRAFTS, field secretary of the American Sabbath Union, who is traveling about the country establishing auxiliary State unions, has again visited Omaha to see what progress the society he established here two months ago is making. At the only meeting held by that organization, Bishop Worthington was elected temporary chairman and T. H. Taylor secretary. Since then the society has slept the sleep of the just.
The national union has been in operation two years, and Mr. Crafts prides himself in having started auxiliary societies in nearly every State in the country. Some of the alleged evils he is fighting are the running of Sunday trains, and the issuing of wicked Sunday-morning papers.
Mr. Crafts endeavored to infuse a little life into the local organization at the Y. M. C. A. rooms at 3 P. M., and this evening he will deliver a lecture at the same place on the proper observance of the Christian Sabbath. No admission fee will be charged, but a collection will be taken up.—Omaha Bee, Sept. 25, 1889.
The Sunday-Law Question
In discussing the Sunday-law question the California Prohibitionist says:—
“That the provisions of the proposed law may not oppress any who conscientiously and honestly observe another day of the week as a day of rest, all such are to be excepted from its application. Under these circumstances it would certainly seem as though the movement were worthy of the support and co-operation of all good citizens.”
This is only to say that those who observe a day other than Sunday should join those who observe that day in forcing it upon those who have no religious regard for any day. But that would only be to violate the golden rule, for no man would wish to have another compel him to keep a day which he did not wish to observe and for which he had no feelings of reverence. The seventh-day observer who admits for a moment the propriety of a Sunday law with an exemption clause in his favor grants, though it may be unwittingly, the right of the State to legislate upon the subject, and in so admitting gives his case away, for it is as plain as the noonday sun that if the State has the right to coerce the unbeliever and compel him to keep Sunday, it has the same right to require the same thing of the Jew and the seventh-day Christian.
Saluting the National Flag
THERE is merit in the order of the Secretary of the Navy that hereafter when the flag of the nation is raised at morn and lowered at sunset in the nation, the representatives of the navy present shall face the colors and salute, and if bands are on the ships they shall greet the flag with the music of national airs. These ceremonials are disciplinary, will daily renew the sentiment of the flag, and impress more and more deeply respect for the symbol of our liberties. It must have, also, an impressive effect upon lookers-on. It is a simple and proper observance, and that the salutation to the flag should have so fallen into disuse as to necessitate this new order, proves the need for it.—Sacramento Daily Record-Union.
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Argument by Alonzo T. Jones, in behalf of the rights of American citizens, and in opposition to the Blair Sunday-Rest Bill, which Mr. Jones presented before the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, December 13, 1888. Mr. Crafts has pronounced the report as published.
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