The American Sentinel, Vol. 4, No. 33.

Individual Rights
Earlier text: Romanism and the Public Schools

National Reform and Religious Laws

THE National Reform movement for Sunday laws and an amendment to the Constitution providing that religion be taught in the public schools is clearly wrong and wicked. It is a dangerous menace to the liberties of the people and detrimental to the best interests of intelligent civilization. It is born of the same narrow, bigoted, intolerant spirit which attended a union of Church and State in the days of papal supremacy; and which later drove Roger Williams into the wilderness of Rhode Island, banished the Quakers from Massachusetts, and burned women at the stake for supposed witchcraft. Christ said: “My kingdom is not of this world.” Yet the National Reformers by their efforts to secure religious laws clearly design to make it such. Religion is something which the conscience alone should decide, and wherein civil laws should not be allowed to dictate. “Not by might, nor by power, but by my spirit, saith the Lord.” And yet, the National Reformers are working vigorously to secure the might and power of the State for the enforcement of the principles of the Christian religion. The movement is wrong. It is against the true teachings of Christ. It is against the freedom guaranteed by the Constitution. It ought to be, and is being opposed by the best thinking and reasoning people of the country.—Bertrand (Nebraska) Herald.

Sunday Prohibition.

IN THE SENTINEL of May 1, 1889, we referred to a bill passed by the Tennessee Legislature, making it a misdemeanor to sell wine, ale, or beer on Sunday. In commenting upon this we stated that the bill makes it a righteous act to sell those articles on the other six days of the week. To this statement exception has been taken. A gentleman who writes that he is friendly to the work of the SENTINEL, says that he thinks it is wrong to sell intoxicating drinks at any time; but believes that if the traffic cannot be wholly suppressed, it is right to suppress it partially. We will state in brief our position, and explain the statement that we made.
We believe that the liquor traffic is entirely wrong. We are also in favor of suppressing it to any extent that can be done, and we do not decry a measure that will actually diminish the sale of liquor, for the simple reason that it is not total suppression. We believe that even less than half a loaf is better than no bread, but we have yet to see any evidence that the closing of Sunday saloons diminishes the amount of liquor drunk. But even if this could be shown, it would not at all militate against our comment on the bill passed by the Tennessee Legislature. Our comment had reference not so much to the closing of saloons on Sunday, as to the way in which the matter was put. It was stated that sellingliquor on Sunday should be considered “a misdemeanor.” Now we submit that if that does not mean that it is not a misdemeanor to sell it on other days, it does not mean anything. That it does mean to convey the idea that it is not a misdemeanor to sell it on other days, is shown by the fact that there is no penalty attached to the selling of it on other days of the week, whereas there would be a penalty if it were considered a misdemeanor. But a misdemeanor is misbehavior, wrong-doing; therefore to specify Sunday as the day on which it shall be considered a misdemeanor to sell liquor is virtually the same as saying that there is nothing wrong in it on other days of the week.
We do not see how anyone can controvert this view, and so we repeat, as we have often said, that the great objection we have to so-called Sunday legislation is that it tends to lower the standard of what temperance really is, and tends to make the liquor traffic respectable, thus making it impossible to gain the end that is desired by many who are earnest temperance people, and conscientious in their efforts to stop the sale of liquor on Sunday. E. J. W.

Political Preaching.

THE NEW YORK Examiner, a short time ago, recommended that the pulpits of the country should take up as a part of their work, the discussion of civil service reform, “on the ground that its application depends on the principles of righteousness which are based on religion.” Civil service reform is that reform which proposes to have all the civil offices of the country, except the very highest, held by the same persons during life unless by committing crime they forfeit them. This is to avoid the changes that would otherwise follow upon the change of administration. The movers in this reform have been at work a good many years, and some United States laws have actually been secured on the subject. But, success in a political contest is so desirable, that it has been found expedient, and not altogether difficult, to evade the law, or even openly to violate it.
If civil service reform were actually established, and carried into effect, a system would be established by which, for instance, when Mr. Cleveland became President there would have been no changes amongst the postmasters of the country, but all who were postmasters when he became President, would have remained clear through his administration if they had lived and behaved themselves. But, President Cleveland made a good many changes; because, the argument is, that if the people of the country choose a Democratic administration, then it is proper that the administration of public affairs should be carried on by Democrats. Therefore, it was proper for him to make the changes. Then, upon the same consideration, when President Harrison was elected, the people chose a Republican administration and, it is considered but proper and right that the public affairs should be administered by Republican officials, consequently another series of changes was in order. Civil service reform proposes to stop all this, and make public office a public trust and not a reward for political service. It will be seen that this is wholly a political question. This reform is what the Examiner recommended that the pulpits should discuss as a part of their work. The Examiner is a religious paper. Other religious papers endorse it, and the pulpits apparently being in want of something to talk about seem a good deal inclined to adopt the recommendation, and to enter upon the discussion, “on the ground that its application depends upon the principles of righteousness which are based on religion.”
The New York Sun laughed at the clergy for being “caught with chaff.” The Christian Union takes up the defense of the clergy, heartily endorses the recommendation of the Examiner, and says:—
“The clergy are right in seeing in this a moral issue, and if the clergy shall follow the suggestion which has been made, and generally preach on this subject on next Thanksgiving day, we may expect to see an impulse given to public honesty, that is, to civil service reform, which will make the campaign of resistance still more difficult for the place-hunters and their advocates.”
If this question is to be discussed by the pulpit because it depends on the principles of righteousness which are based on religion, thus virtually making it a religious question, instead of political, then, why not every other political question also be discussed by the preachers for the same reason? Then, how long will it be before religion becomes a direct element in politics, the pulpit only a place for political scheming and the preachers become partisans. A union of religion and the State is becoming more and more popular. The evil spirit seems to be in the very air and can be discerned in almost every wind that blows.
If the pulpits would engage constantly and faithfully in the preaching of the gospel of Christ, and inculcating upon the hearts of men the principles of righteousness as therein revealed, implanting in the heart the love of righteousness for righteousness’ sake rather than as a political factor, then there would be vastly more of the principles of genuine reform pervading all classes and conditions of society, and there would not be such a special demand for the discussion of particular phases of politics. A. T. J.

The Model Nation.

A CORRESPONDENT in the Christian Statesman of July 4, 1889, arguing for the religious amendment to the Constitution, making this a religious instead of a civil government, and providing for religious tests and qualifications for office, says “it would exert a salutary influence on other nations” because,—
“They are looking to America as an example of free popular government. Some of them are struggling toward public liberty and are taking this Nation as a model and guide. They are trying to ascertain the secret of our national greatness and prosperity. For this, they look at our written Constitution. Hence, it should clearly indicate that we are a Christian Nation. They should be made to understand that our holy religion is the source of our national exaltation.
Yes, they are looking to America as an example of free popular government, and they see it, too, and have seen it so far; and they do right, in their struggle toward republican liberty, to take this Nation as a model and guide. It is the model of all of earthly governments, and should be the guide of all, as it is the first one of the kind that the earth has seen. And in their efforts to ascertain the secret of our national greatness and prosperity, they do well to look at our written Constitution. It is because that Constitution is as it is, utterly separated from religion, that we have attained to such national greatness and prosperity. No other nation ever had such an opportunity, because no other nation ever had such a Constitution, consequently no other nation ever attained to such greatness and prosperity.
And we are willing to admit that our holy religion is, in its place, the source of our national exaltation. But that religion has been kept as holy as it is by the very fact that it has been utterly separated from the unholy State. If there had been here, as in other nations, a union of religion and the State, nobody would have ever seen such an example of national greatness and prosperity as has appeared in this Nation. And just as soon as religion becomes an element of legislation here in national affairs, then, this Nation may bid an everlasting farewell to all her greatness. Then other nations will cease forever to look to America as an example of free popular government. By the example of this Nation, other nations have been carried forward almost in spite of themselves, and entirely in spite of the Papacy, in the march of liberty and enlightenment. By it even Spain, the home of the Inquisition, has been brought to the “toleration” of other professions of religion than the Catholic. But just as soon as this order shall be reversed and religion be made an element in national legislation; just as soon as oppression and persecution for religious profession shall be established; and our national progress thus checked;—just then the reaction upon other nations will be such as to lift the Papacy to the highest point that it has ever stood in the world, even to that point where, as it is written, “all that dwell upon the earth shall worship him, whose names are not written in the book of life of the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world.” Rev. 13:3. Yes, this is the model nation. Let it remain so.
A. T. J.

Sunday “Closing.”

The value of enforced idleness and of Sunday prohibition was well illustrated in the city of Racine a short time ago. The Milwaukee Sentinel of June 24, says:—
“The good people of Racine supposed that when Mayor Mitchell issued his proclamation ordering the closing of saloons on Sunday, the Bell City would virtually be a prohibition town on that day, and that there would be no drunkenness. They were mistaken. A larger amount of liquor has been consumed to-day than has been the case when the dram shops were run wide open. On the first Sunday under the new order it was different; the town being quiet as a grave-yard, owing to the fact that a heavy rain prevailed all day long. But to-day the city presented a different aspect. To be sure the saloons were closed, and entrance was impossible, except to those who knew the back or side-door signals. But the average tippler provided himself with a bottle or keg of beer before 12 o’clock Saturday night, and it was a common occurrence to see dozens of men going home with bottles protruding from their pockets, while others tramped along with a keg on their shoulders. The result was seen to-day. Up the river there were several picnic parties, and the crowds present were plentifully supplied with liquid refreshments which had been secured yesterday. On the harbor piers were gathered from 300 to 500 people, and the male portion of the crowd were not bashful in pulling out bottles and sipping their contents. In the woods a great many men and boys gathered and drank whisky and beer.”
A. Delos Wescott.

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THE National Sunday Law.

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Sunday Trains and Railroad Bankruptcy

Last December, at the Washington City Sunday-law convention, Mr. Elliott F. Shepard, to make a strong point in favor of Sunday laws, said: “The West Shore Railroad of New York ran Sunday excursion trains and bankrupted. The Lord blew upon it. Then others took the road and stopped all that, and the road is now making money.” Now we find that the New York Central Railroad Company controls the West Shore road, and we personally know that the New York Central runs Sunday trains both freight and passenger both on its own and the West Shore lines. This shows plainly enough that it was not the Sunday trains that caused the bankruptcy; because Mr. Shepard’s own testimony is that the company which now controls the road is making money, and that company runs Sunday trains. Or does Mr. Shepard mean that the Lord is so discriminating as to “blow upon” a company for carrying passengers on an excursion train on Sunday, and to give prosperity to another company for carrying many of the same passengers on a regular train?

Let the Church Control the Church,

At the ministers’ Sunday-law meeting at San Francisco, August 5, the American Sabbath Union spoke a few minutes and then opened the way for questions to be asked, taking particular care first to state that questions should not be asked by visitors, but only by members of the Union. One of the questions was, “Do Roman Catholics take part in local organizations in States?” and the answer was, “We have very delightful relations with the Roman Catholics. On the civil side of the question of the Sabbath law the Catholics co-operate, on the religious side they don’t; because we have its basis on the fourth commandment, and if we should insist upon their co-operation with us on this basis, it would arouse controversy. We can work with them delightfully on civil basis, but we don’t want to try to bring them too far.”
Yes, no doubt it is a very delightful thing indeed thus to secure the co-operation of the Roman Catholics. But there are some questions that are involved in this that are of interest to those who are now enjoying this delightfulness, as well as for others who are not so intimately engaged in the work. Sunday as a day of rest is a papal institution. This, all Roman Catholics know, and it never can be proved to be anything else. It is an institution of the church and the only legislation that ever has been in behalf of it has been to help the church. That is the object of the legislation that is now demanded by those who are working for a national Sunday law. It is legislation demanded upon a papal principle in support of a papal institution. And when these men in their delightful association with the Roman Catholics secure the legislation for which they are working, having so far recognized the papal principle, and secured legislation in behalf of one institution of the church, then what is to hinder the Roman Catholic in securing legislation in behalf of other institutions of the church? and completing their observance? Protestants having set the example, why should not the Roman Catholics follow the example clear through to the end? With the political influence that the Roman Catholic Church has, such a prospect is not wholly imaginary.
Nor do we say this as prejudicial to the Roman Catholics. We say that, if church ordinances and church institutions are to be established and their observance enforced by the civil power, then it is the right of the Roman Catholics to see that the legislation shall be in their favor.
Further, it is not only their right, it is their duty, and it is made their duty upon the principle of self-protection. Under such circumstances it could not be asked upon any principle of justice that the Roman Catholics, any more than anybody else, should submit their religious convictions to the rule of the majority, and therefore it would be their duty as well as their right to secure control of the legislation which has to do with church institutions. But if the Roman Catholics should do that, the Protestant Sunday-law workers would very suddenly discover that their relations to the Roman Catholics were not so very delightful after all. They would say that it was a monstrous tyranny for Protestants to be obliged to submit to the dictates of Roman Catholics in enforcing the observance of church institutions. But that would be no more monstrous a tyranny than for Roman Catholics, or any others, to have to submit to the dictates of Protestants in such things.
The truth is that there is no right whatever involved in the theory of Sunday laws. It is false and tyrannical altogether. There is no right whatever in any such legislation by whomsoever it may be demanded. Work on Sunday is no more uncivil than is the same kind of work on any other day, and it never can, upon any principle of justice or right, be made a crime. Let church institutions and church observances be regulated and controlled by church sanctions only. Whatsoever is more than this is evil.

Religion and the Public Schools

THE speech of Mr. Gleeson, of the Roman Catholic Church, which we print this week, opens up anew the subject of religion and the public schools. This will be followed with a series of articles on that subject, in the course of which not only our own national system will be discussed, but the Canadian also. Now is a good time to subscribe.

California and Sunday-Law Crusaders

At the meeting of the Congregational Club of San Francisco, August 19, Mr. Crafts made a speech in which he took occasion to put California on a level with France in the matter of morals and observance of the Sunday. Rev. Dr. Barrows, of San Francisco, replied to this, positively denying that the State of California is deteriorating either civilly or religiously, and rather pointedly observed that “a person who has been on the Pacific Coast but a few days was not qualified to speak disparagingly of the moral or spiritual condition of the State.” Dr. Barrows is right. Those Eastern Sunday-law crusaders profess great sympathy for poor benighted California, while the fact is California is far ahead of their own States in almost everything. Aside from all this, however, theirs is only a crocodile sympathy anyhow. They want to get California into the line of religious legislation so they can bring it with all the others under the rule of the preachers.

Religious Instruction in Public Schools

In Germany the State teaches religion in the public schools. What is the result? Last winter at Washington, Dr. Conrad, editor of the Lutheran Observer, said that an American family who had just returned from a three years’ stay in Germany said: “There is no real religion. Religion is turned over to the schoolmaster. The parents say, ‘The schoolmaster teaches religion, I am not responsible for that.’” This result is inevitable. The State settles what religion shall be taught. The parent can have nothing to say. Then the State has the selecting and appointing of the school-teachers. It is a State office. Teachers profess the religion to get the office. Then, having no religion themselves, yet being obliged to teach it, the baldest rationalism is taught. And the nation is filled with irreligious religionists. Let the American people think of this now, while the movement is being made to establish religious instruction in their public schools.

Crafts Lectures for a National Sunday Law

Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts, field secretary of the American Sabbath Union, is lecturing in this State in the interest of the above organization, which has for its object a national Sunday law. We hope Mr. Crafts will not fail to read the AMERICAN SENTINEL published at Oakland, Cal., whose articles on this subject breathe more common sense than any publication we know of. The impression is gaining ground that some of the more intelligent people of this country have failed to properly study the principles of our government. That portion of their education seems to have been sadly neglected.—Mendocino Beacon, Aug. 10.
Continue reading: Adventist Excluded from Sunday-Law Convention