In the Christian Statesman of July 4, Secretary J. M. Foster, of the National Reform Association, reveals his temperance principles in the following language:—
“But why allow base-ball, the Sunday newspaper, and the Sunday train, on Sabbath? These have no more right to do business involving common labor on Sabbath than the licensed saloon.”
What kind of a man is he who will place base-ball, newspapers, and railroad trains on the same level with the licensed liquor saloon? Would you call him a temperance man? We never heard any man talk such stuff as that unless he was connected with the whisky business himself. As well might base-ball, newspapers, and trains be classed with murder, horse-thieving, or adultery.
The above is a fair sample of the moral perception of the men who are working to make this a “Christian government.” This is the kind of Christian morality which they desire this nation to incorporate into its laws, as the will of the Almighty. And thousands of people in this country are doing all in their power to help them to succeed.
This statement by Secretary Foster shows, what has often been shown in the SENTINEL, namely, that Sunday laws are not passed in the interests of temperance. It shows that they wish to shut up the saloon on Sunday, not because it is bad in itself, but for the same reason that they wish to prohibit the playing of base-ball, the circulating of newspapers, and the running of trains, viz., because they involve “common labor.”325
The only thing that makes the saloon bad on Sunday is the fact that it involves “common labor.” And, as common labor is all right on the other days of the week, it follows that the saloon must be all right too, according to their reasoning. If these people were statesmen, to say nothing of being temperance men, they would make crime to consist, not in the time, but in the character, of the act. As it is, they show that they know nothing either of Christianity or of statesmanship. A. DELOS WESTCOTT.
A National Sabbath-Crusade.
Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts has started out to reform the world in general and the United States in particular in the matter of Sabbath observance. The reverend gentleman insists that all Sunday traffic and Sunday mails should cease, and demonstrates, to his own satisfaction at least, that all Sunday mails and Sunday traffic are an unnecessary and uncalled-for infraction of the fourth commandment. The reverend gentleman would have Sabbath observance enforced by law; would make the courts a whip of scorpions to drive the erring sons of men in at the strait gate and into the narrow path which he believes has its terminal in the New Jerusalem. He appears to have forgotten, if he ever knew, that the object for which this government was established by our historic sires, and for the maintenance of which millions in taxes are annually paid, was and is not to coerce men into heaven, but to enable them to live on earth in the full enjoyment of civil and religious liberty.
Congress, to which the reverend gentleman fondly turns for his much-desired reform, has no right to stop a single wheel in the United States, nor has any State Legislature authority to prevent the running of as many Sunday trains as the various railway companies desire to send out. . . . The reverend gentleman says that Sunday trains are run for the express purpose of making money to fatten the bank account of millionaires. Doubtless they are not running simply to wear out the rolling stock. Trains are run on Sunday for the self-same reason that Rev. Mr. Crafts preaches on Sunday. There is a demand for Sunday trains and for Sunday preaching, and just so long as the demand exists, Sunday trains and Sunday sermons will be supplied, and in neither case will the earnings be refused.
Rev. Mr. Crafts makes the same mistake as the Sunday reformers who have preceded him. The question of Sabbath observance is something with which no government should meddle. In that great day when the sheep will be separated from the goats, he will not find a single government on trial. The American Congress nor the English Parliament will be called to account collectively, but every man will have to toe the mark and make his own plea to the throne of grace.
If it is wrong to travel or send letters on Sunday no man is compelled to do so because facilities are afforded any more than he need commit murder because it is possible for him to purchase a pistol or a dagger. The observance of the Sabbath as a day of rest is a beautiful custom, but its enforcement at the muzzle of a State or national law would be as obnoxious and uncalled for as the enforcement of church attendance or family prayers by the same means.
The argument that federal or State interference is necessary to protect the overworked railway and postal employees loses much of its force in the face of the fact that the government pays postal clerks and mail carriers higher salaries than the same class of labor commands elsewhere, and that a very large proportion of train crews are paid by the trip, and can easily find Sunday substitutes if overworked, or if they have conscientious scruples against laboring on that day. The stoppage of Sunday mails would be an almost unbearable inconvenience; the stoppage of Sunday trains would practically paralyze many branches of industry.
The Rev. Mr. Crafts and his co-workers are not reformers. They are striving to roll back the greatest reform that ever swept across the face of the civilized world; trying to rob man of religious liberty, and make him again the irresponsible creature of an autocratic religious hierarchy.
—Dallas (Tex.) Daily News, May 22, 1889.
National Reformers Against the Declaration of Independence.
Only a few years since scarcely anyone in this country thought of calling in question those matchless utterances of the Declaration of Independence, namely, that “all men are created equal” and that governments derive “their just powers from the consent of the governed.” But now the exigencies of National Reform, so-called, demand that these matchless political truths shall be challenged. Thus in the Missouri Sabbath Convention at Sedalia, Rev. W. D. Gray, the secretary of the permanent organization, said, referring to the American Sabbath Union:—
“I do not believe that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, and so the object of this movement is to change that feature of our fundamental law.”
More recently Rev. Dr. Holland, of St. Louis, is reported to have used the following language in Cleveland, Ohio:—
“All men are not equal. We are not born equal, and we never can be equal, and the idea that God created men equal grew out of the superstition and the initial ignorance of an age that has passed away. It is God’s law that some men shall be greater than others, and all the anarchy and the communism and the atheism of the world cannot change it. Here in this country we are ruled by a government that upholds this doctrine of equality, and our politicians and rulers are afraid to speak the truth because the lower order of society has a vote. I pray to Heaven that the clergy may not also be ruled by this fear of votes.”
This utterance has justly excited the indignation of those who are really attached to the principles of our government, but we have seen no protest from National Reformers. Commenting on Dr. Holland’s words, the San Francisco Examiner says:—
“Thomas Jefferson had the good-fortune to die some time ago. Otherwise he would have had frequently to suffer the pain of seeing the Declaration of Independence demolished by people who had acquired enough political learning to spell it out. Perhaps if he were living he would say that he never committed the absurdity of maintaining that all men were equal in capacity, but that he confined himself to the more reasonable assumption that they were equal in their right to use what capacity they had to the best advantage.
“But when this government was established its founders had no suspicion that the country would ever be honored by the presence of Dr. Holland. If they had, they would probably have embodied in the Constitution a provision for the exclusion of idiots. Even now, however, there is no law requiring Scotch gentlemen who are dissatisfied with the principles of our government to stay in America.”
We are not so charitable as the Examiner, and cannot agree that the doctor did not know any better. The error is evidently one not of the head but of the heart; Dr. Holland is without doubt one of that numerous class of so-called Christian ministers who love power more than they do their fellow-men, and who think that by making the State subservient to the church they can rule both. The doctor ought to stand high among National Reformers.
Shall the Bible Be Read in the Public Schools?
We see by telegrams that Rev. Frank M. Ellis, formerly the Baptist minister in Denver, but now stationed at Baltimore, Md., is creating quite a sensation in advocating the “Bible in the public schools.” In the course of his remarks he said: “I am also in favor of the Bible in the public schools because Rome is opposed to it. The recent Lenten lecture of Cardinal Gibbons publicly advised and urged upon his people to read the Bible. Now I do not say that Cardinal Gibbons was not honest in that advice, but if he did mean what he said he was not a good Catholic, and if he did not mean it he was not honest. The aim of Catholics is to make Romanists; our aim is to make character. Rome controls all her people, and therefore a Romanist cannot be a good citizen of this republic. If the pope had his way, our republic with its public schools and open Bible would soon go. Rome has already declared her intention of not only driving the Bible from the public schools, but of also dividing the public-school funds to her own advantage. Rome openly antagonizes one of the leading institutions of the country.”—Rocky Mountain Herald.
While we are a zealous defender of the public-school system, we are not insisting on the reading of the Bible in the schools. We might assign many reasons for this. One is that as the public schools are supported by a public tax levied on all alike, it is hardly fair to insist on presenting to the children any system of religious instruction. The Jews object to the New Testament; the Catholics object to the Protestant Bible, and the Protestants object to the Catholic Bible, while the Buddhists, Mohammedans, the Theosophists, and many others, do not wish any sacred books teaching religion read to their children unless accompanied by such comments and explanations as they might deem appropriate. The “Bible in the Common Schools” is already causing considerable friction and dissatisfaction, and if insisted on will cause more trouble, and may even endanger the common-school system itself. We believe the wiser and better plan would be to keep the schools free from all religious and sectarian influences. Let theology be taught in the churches, the Sabbath-schools, and the family, and literature, mathematics, science, and secular studies only be presented to the children of the common schools. This is a free country, in which every person has a right to worship according to the dictates of his own conscience. The public schools are the bulwark of our free institutions. We have gotten along over a hundred years pretty well without any laws enforcing any particular religion on children or adults. It would seem that it would be better to let well enough alone, and not to get up a squabble over a theological bone that might ultimate in the total destruction of the grand common-school system of America.—Denver Eye, July 12, 1889.
A Non-Religious Basis for Legislation.
WHEN we object to Sunday legislation on religious grounds, we are asked how the right of labor shall be maintained against overwork, and the greed of capital. It is clearly within the province of the commonwealth to enter upon general legislation relative to this question. Where religious regard for any day is lacking, compulsory idleness results in holidayism. This is a universal fact in history. It is evident that legislation, hitherto, has reached little practical good in solving the problem as between capital and labor. The different phases of that question, regardless of religious considerations, are becoming more and more important, as well as more intricate. This, and the conflict over the question of legislation from a religious standpoint, unite to compel careful attention to the subject. While it may not be demanded of us to furnish a better basis because we object to the religious basis, we yet suggest the following as helpful toward a solution of the problem:—
1. Let the commonwealth and the national government undertake a series of inquiries and observations which shall determine what is best for society, apart from religious considerations as to statute regulations relative to labor and time. Something has already been done in this direction. The investigations on this point which are of value are those reported in 1884 by Carroll D. Wright, with reference to Sunday labor in Massachusetts. This report shows that while there is a large percentage of such labor, it is mainly in connection with the service of one man for another; and that in such service there is neither loss of wages nor impairment of health through Sunday labor. It also reveals the fact that while some of those engaged preferred not to work every day in the week, it was not compulsory labor in general. It is clear that the commonwealth may not go beyond self-protection in any such legislation. Neither can it require men to do, from a religious standpoint, those things which religious obligations impose, however desirable, when such refusal does not interfere with civil government. We need investigations similar to those made by Mr. Wright, throughout the United States, and extending over a sufficient period of time to give a basis for scientific legislation touching these points. Such examination by State and national authority, working in concert, is the first essential step toward wise and efficient legislation on this question.
As helpful suggestions toward wise-conclusions, we make the following:—
(1) Start with the principle that the province of the civil law is protective, in general, rather than compulsory. The largest liberty must be given to individual choice, in order to avoid governmental tyranny, the dwarfing of individual manhood, and the destruction of individual responsibility. The following suggestions are supported by the conclusion which the best thinkers have now reached. Let there be a “ten-hour law” fixing the limit for a day’s work; all overwork on the part of adults must be left to the individual choice.
2. Guarantee to each man one full day’s rest each week. This should be permissible, and protective legislation, and not compulsory. Guarantee this as a civil right, without reference to religious obligation. Let this guarantee include the right, on the part of each man, to choose the day on which he will rest. Require the choice to be mutual between employer and employe. If men do not choose to rest on any day, the law cannot compel them thus to rest any more than it can compel men to eat and drink in accordance with the laws of health.
This simple arrangement would allow all who wish to observe any day for religious reasons, full liberty, and full protection in so doing. If necessary, let it be supplemented by such protective legislation with reference to religious assemblies as would insure the constitutional right guaranteed to every man, to worship according to the dictates of his own conscience. Resting from secular business on religious grounds is at once a sacrifice and an act of worship. It should therefore be protected, but may not be compelled.
The legislation here suggested would make little disturbance, if any, in the social and business status of things as they now exist. It would check the tendency so marked in certain quarters, to return to the pagan theory of compulsory religious legislation, and to the unavoidable union of Church and State, which must follow such legislation. It would protect labor against the greed of capital, and if, as advocates of stricter legislation insist—labor is now the main sufferer in the matter of time—it would compel capital to adjust itself to the rights of labor, along this protective line. The laborer would find full relief under such legislation, and crystallized labor in the form of capital would bear the burden, if there were any.—The Outlook.
Reasons for Sunday Laws.
By Wm. Covert
Mr. Q.—Do you favor religious legislation?
Mr. R.—I do not, except upon the subject of the Sabbath. I believe the State should make and enforce Sunday laws.
Mr. Q.—Will you be so kind as to tell us why you would single out this particular point of religion and make it a subject of State legislation?
Mr. R.—Although Sunday is a religious institution I do not regard a Sunday law as a law upon the subject of religion. The State only enforces it as a civil institution.
Mr. Q.—Will you please to tell us by what process of reasoning you can prove that labor on Sunday to be uncivil?
Mr. R.—Yes, sir. Common labor on Sunday disturbs the quiet of the day, and it is wrong.
Mr. Q.—Will you please to tell us whether Sunday is more quiet than other days in the week as far as nature itself is concerned?
Mr. R.—Of course it is not. But you know that Sunday is the day upon which people rest from their work and attend meeting.
Mr. Q.—But why do they choose this particular day for rest and worship?
Mr. R.—Because they believe the Scriptures require them to do so.
Mr. Q.—Do you think it is a religious duty that you owe to God to do this, or is it only a civil duty that you owe to the State?
Mr. R.—You have the advantage of me as you have given the subject more thought than I have. But if we had no Sunday law we could not hold religious service on Sunday at all.
Mr. Q.—Why could you not hold services even if some persons were at work?
Mr. R.—Because the noise that their labor would make would disturb us so we could not peaceably hold our meetings.
Mr. Q.—You say the noise would disturb your worship. I would ask you if the worshipers do not sing and the minister talk quite loud? Would you have the State make a law to prohibit this noise?
Mr. R.—No, sir, that kind of noise does not disturb us. That is an essential part of the worship.
Mr. Q.—Do you have family worship each day? If so would you have the State make a law to have all business stop a certain hour each day so people could have a quiet hour for family worship?
Mr. R.—The other days in the week are secular and of course noise on those days does not disturb us in our devotion.
Mr. Q.—Does your church hold protracted meetings some times in which you hold religious services every day in the week?
Mr. R.—Yes, sir. What of it?
Mr. Q.—Do you have everybody in the community cease all business while your protracted meetings continue?
Mr. R.—You have the advantage of me.
Mr. Q.—Then you see that the noise of common toil is not uncivil on any day of the week except on the day you think should be religiously observed. As you see this then, you can see that your objection to common labor on Sunday arises wholly from your religious convictions, and that all Sunday laws are religious laws and relate wholly to an establishment of religion.
Mr. R.—I may have been wrong in presenting the subject from the standpoint that I have. I see that I have been favoring a Sunday law wholly from a religious consideration, and that I was doing this because of the idea that the day is a sacred day.
Mr. Q.—I have observed the seventh day of the week as the Sabbath of the Lord for more than twenty-one years. During all this time I have gone to the house of worship regularly on that day, and yet I have never asked my neighbors to refrain from labor on that day because I went to worship on that day.
Mr. Q.—But there were so few of you.
Mr. R.—Yes, sir. We are not many, and because we are few, there is all the more people at work making a noise while we are at worship. Yet we keep the day to the Lord, and our worship is not disturbed, for we realize that we are rendering unto God the things which belong to God, and if others do not choose to do so it is none of our business.
We have often been puzzled to understand how it is that the conscience of a person can be so badly disturbed because he may happen to see or hear someone working on Sunday, and yet that same person makes no scruple about disturbing his neighbor who keeps another day, although he professes to observe the golden rule and love his neighbor as himself.
Mr. R.—I had not thought of the matter from that standpoint. I will give this subject more careful thought. WM. COVERT.
Liberty of Conscience Over Material Gain
THE Tucson Star says that Columbia “offers to pay the traveling expenses of everybody from here who will settle there, give him $6.00 a month, 250 acres of land, a cow, two pigs, a plow, and help him build a house.” Yet there was a bigger rush to Oklahoma in one day than in 365 days to Columbia. If Columbia would adopt our national Constitution just as it is, before the National Reformers get hold of it, offering the free exercise of religion, it would not take long to fill up her valleys. The human mind values liberty of conscience far above pigs and cows!—Moral and Scientific Companion.
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