SPEECH OF HON. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, OF ILLINOIS, AT THE REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, JUNE 16TH, 1858.
If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could then better judge what to do, and how to do it.
We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to Slavery agitation.
Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented.
In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached, and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—I don't expect the house to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of Slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new—North as well as South. Have we no tendency to the latter condition?
Let any one who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination—piece of machinery so to speak—compounded of the Nebraska doctrine, and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also, let him study the history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the evidences of design, and concert of action, among its chief bosses, from the beginning. But, so far, Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the people, real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already gained, and give chance for more. The new year of 1854, found Slavery excluded from more than half the States by State Constitutions, and from most of the national territory by Congressional prohibition. Four days later commenced the struggle, which ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition.
This opened all the national territory to Slavery, and was the first point gained. This necessity had not been overlooked; but had been provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of "squatter sovereignty," otherwise called "sacred right of self-government," which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: That if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate Slavery into any Territory or State, nor exclude it therefrom; but to have the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of "Squatter Sovereignty," and "Sacred right of self-government."
"But," said Opposition members, "let us be more specific—let us amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the Territory may exclude Slavery." "Not we," said the friends of the measure; and down they voted the amendment. While the Nebraska bill was passing through Congress, a law case, involving the question of a negro's127freedom, by reason of his owner having voluntarily taken him first into a Free State, and then a Territory covered by the Congressional prohibition, and held him as a slave, for a long time in each, was passing through the United States Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and law suit were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The negro's name was "Dred Scott," which name now designates the decision finally made in the case.
Before the then next Presidential election, the law case came to, and was argued in, the Supreme Court of the United States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the election. Still, before the election Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requests the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state his opinion whether the people of a Territory can constitutionally exclude Slavery from their limits, and the latter answers: "That is a question for the Supreme Court." The election came; Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing President, in his last annual message, as impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the weight and authority of the indorsement.
The Supreme Court met again; they did not announce their decision, but ordered a re-argument. The Presidential inauguration came, and still no decision of the Court; but the incoming President, in his inaugural address, fervently exhorted the people to abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever it might be. Then in a few days, came the decision. The reputed author of the Nebraska bill finds an early occasion to make a speech at this Capitol, indorsing the Dred Scott decision, and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new President, too, seizes the early occasion of the Stillman letter to indorse and strongly construe that decision, and to express his astonishment that any different view had ever been entertained.
At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of the Nebraska bill, on the mere question of fact, whether the Lecompton Constitution was or was not in any just sense made by the people of Kansas; and in that squabble the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether Slavery be voted down or up. I do not understand this declaration, that he cares not whether Slavery be voted down or up, to be intended by him other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the public mind—the principle for which he declares he has suffered much, and is ready to suffer to the end. And well may he cling to that principle. If he has any parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That principle is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott decision, "squatter sovereignty" squatted out of existence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding—like the mold at the foundry, served through one blast and fell back into loose sand—helped to carry an election, and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the Republicans, against the Lecompton Constitution, involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a point—the right of a people to make their own Constitution—upon which he and the Republicans have never differed.
The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in connection with Senator Douglas' "care not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery in its present state of advancement. The working points of that machinery are: First, that no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of any state, in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible event, of the benefit of this provision of the United States Constitution, which declares "That the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States."
Secondly, that "subject to the Constitution of the United States," neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude Slavery from any United States territory. This point is made in order that individual men may fill up the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as property, and thus enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through all the future.
Thirdly that whether the holding a negro in actual Slavery in a Free State makes him free? as against the holder, the United States' Courts will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the Courts of any Slave State the negro may be forced into by the master.
This point is made, not to be pressed immediately; but, if acquiesced in for a while, and apparently endorsed by the people at an election, then to sustain the logical conclusion, that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott in the Free State of Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with any other one, or one thousand slaves, in Illinois, or in any other Free State. Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mold public opinion, at least Northern public opinion, to not care whether Slavery is voted down or up. This shows exactly where we now are, and partially, also, whither we are tending.
It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back, and run the mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things will now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when they were transpiring. The people were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only to the Constitution." What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders could not then see. Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche for the Dred Scott decision to afterwards come in, and declare that perfect freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all. Why was the amendment, expressly declaring the right of the people to exclude Slavery voted down? Plainly enough now, the adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision. Why was the Court decision held up? Why, even a Senator's individual opinion withheld till after the Presidential election? Plainly enough now, the speaking out then would have endangered the "perfectly free" argument upon which the question was to be carried. Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the delay of a re-argument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation in favor of the decision?
These things look like the cautious patting and petting a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when it is dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty after-indorsements of the decision by the President and others? We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are the result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places and by different workmen—Stephen, Franklin, Roger and James, for instance—and when we see these timbers joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or mill, all the tenons and mortises exactly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too many or too few—not omitting even scaffolding—or, if a single piece be lacking, we can see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared to yet bring this piece in—in such a case we find it impossible to not believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first lick was struck.
It should not be overlooked that by the Nebraska bill, the people of a State as well as Territory, were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only to the Constitution." Why mention a State? They were legislating for Territories, and not for or about States. Certainly the people of a State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the United States; but why is mention of this lugged into this merely Territorial law? Why are the people of a Territory and the people of a State therein lumped together, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated as being precisely the same? While the opinion of the Court, by Chief Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all the concurring Judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the United States neither permits Congress nor a Territorial Legislature to exclude Slavery from any United States Territory, they all omit to declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a State, or the people of a State, to exclude it.
Possibly this was a mere omission; but who can be quite sure, if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into the opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the people of a State to exclude Slavery from their limits; just as Chase and Mace sought to get such declaration in behalf of the people of a Territory, into the Nebraska bill—I ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been voted down in the one case as it had been in the other. The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a State over Slavery is made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise idea and almost the language, too, of the Nebraska act. On one occasion his exact language is, "Except in cases where the power is restrained by the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of Slavery within its jurisdiction."
In what cases the power of the States is so restrained by the United States Constitution, is left an open question, precisely as the same question as to the restraint on the power of the Territories was left open in the Nebraska act. Put that and that together, and we have another nice little niche, which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court Decision, declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude Slavery from its limits. And this may especially be expected if the doctrine of "care not whether Slavery be voted down or voted up" shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision can be maintained when made. Such a decision is all that Slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all the States. Welcome or unwelcome, such decision is probably coming, and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their State free; and we shall awake to the reality, instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a Slave State.
To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty is the work now before all those who would prevent that consummation. That is what we have to do. But how can we best do it?
There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends, and yet whisper us softly that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there is with which to effect the object. They do not tell us, nor has he told us, that he wishes any such object to be effected. They wish us to infer all, from the facts, that he now has a little quarrel with the head of the present dynasty; and that he has regularly voted with us, on a single point, upon which he and we have never differed. They remind us that he is a very great man, and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. But "a living dog is better than a dead lion." Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion for this work, is at least a caged and toothless one. How can he oppose the advances of Slavery? He don't care anything about it. His avowed mission is impressing the "public heart" to care nothing about it.
THE BETTER LAND.
By E. Hutchins
We are in a land of sin and woe;
But to a land of joy we go.
We are in a land of pain and death;
But we see a better land by faith.
'Tis there the weary shall find rest,
And there the troubled shall be blest;
'Tis there the saints no more shall die,
O for that better land I sigh.
I fain would leave this land of woe,
And to the better land would go;
For there our dearest Lord we'll see,
And there forever with him be;
There praise his name forevermore,
On Canaan's bright and happy shore.
O shall we not there shortly meet,
And worship at our Saviour's feet.
E. HUTCHINS.
Freemont, Ohio, July 30th, 1858.
OBITUARY
By Joseph Bates
It becomes my painful duty to announce to the readers of the Review, the death of Bro. Josiah Hart, of Round Grove, Whiteside Co. Ills., who departed this life with the setting sun, Aug. 17th, 1858, aged about forty-one years. His disease was called the typhoid fever. His sickness confined him nine weeks. He expressed a strong desire to be healed, that he might go out into the wide harvest-field and labor still more for the Lord; but God in his all-wise providence has directed otherwise. He leaves a wife and five children to mourn his loss.
While he was dying and we had about relinquished all hopes of his understanding anything more that could be said to him, his companion asked if we thought it would be pleasing to God for us to let him die without calling for medical aid? We replied that we had been following the directions which God had given us in the Bible, and that was all, and the best that could be done. At this he looked at us very significantly, and nodded his head to signify that it was so. He had frequently called upon us to pray with him; and expressed that his help must come from God.
We first became acquainted with Bro. Hart, about eight years ago in Northfield, Vt. At that time he began to keep the Sabbath of the Lord, and acquaint himself with the present truth, and soon began to labor as a messenger in the Third Angel's Message. Two years ago this Spring he moved his family here.
His funeral service was attended at his place of residence, this P. M. It was a solemn assembly of the church, and many of the neighbors and friends, who listened with attention.
We have just returned from the silent grave, leaving him beside Bro. Everts. What a solemn thought! two messengers from the walls of Zion, silent in death. Brethren and sisters, shall we heed the cry of the "faithful and true Witness," to buy of him the gold tried in the fire that we may be rich. God is in earnest with the Laodicean church. Let us be zealous and repent, and be ready for the coming of our blessed Lord.
"Slowly away moved the burial train,
Severed one link in affection's fond chain;
Low in the earth have they laid him to rest,
Precious the treasure inclosed in its breast!
"Mother! the loved from thy bosom is torn;
Children! your father has left you to mourn.
Lonely the hearth-stone—for one is not there—
Broken the circle—and vacant the chair."
JOSEPH BATES.
Book Notice.
By Editor
"THE EMPHATIC DIAGLOTT:—containing the Original Greek Text of the New Testament, according to the recension of Dr. J. J. Griesbach, with an Interlineary Translation, in which every Greek word is literally and Grammatically Construed as it stands in the book: A New Emphatic Version, based on the literal Translation, the labors of the most Eminent Biblical critics and translators, and the various readings of the Vatican Manuscript, (No. 1209 in the Vatican Library,) together with Philological and Exegetical foot notes, and a choice selection of references: to which is affixed an Alphabetical Appendix, containing all the Geographical and proper names occurring in the New Testament, with difficult Greek words and phrases critically Examined. The whole forming a Complete Guide to the Correct Reading and study of the Books of the New Covenant. Geneva, Ills.: Published by Wilson and Cockroft. 1858."
Such is the title-page of a work, the first number of which we have received. The left-hand column of each page contains the Greek text, and immediately under every Greek word, its literal translation into English; and so on word by word; and in the right-hand column a new version, with foot notes. We are pleased with some of the renderings given in the number before us. Those interested in such enterprises can obtain Prospectuses and Specimens of the work, free of charge, by addressing the Publishers, Geneva, Kane Co., Ills. They propose to issue it in some 27 numbers of 32 pp. each. Who its literary engineer is, is not stated.
Tent Meeting at Townsend, Ohio.
By John Norton Loughborough; T. J. Butler
Bro. Smith: I suppose the brethren have been watching with some anxiety to learn the result of our efforts with the tent in Ohio, so I will hasten to say a few words concerning our meeting at Townsend, Huron Co., which has just closed.
This meeting commenced July 16th, and continued 36 days, during which time we held 40 meetings in the tent. The congregations were good and attentive from the commencement to the close of the meeting. Twenty-nine discourses were given in vindication of the different points of our faith, and 11 of our meetings were occupied in discussing the subjects of the state of the dead, future punishment, and the Sabbath, with one Eld. Vail, of the Christian order, who was procured by his church for the occasion.
This discussion, we think, settled the minds of the great portion of our hearers that we had the truth on those subjects which had been advocated in the tent. When the call was made for volunteers to keep the Sabbath, fifteen or twenty arose to manifest their determination to obey God rather than man. Others have since informed us that they shall keep God's commandments. Many more are satisfied, and say they will commence soon. The Sabbath-keepers have appointed Sabbath meetings to pray with and exhort one another.
Over $21.00 worth of books were sold at this meeting, and thirteen subscribed for the Review. As near as we can learn, over forty have embraced the truth since our tent operations commenced in this State. We learn from Bowling Green that the work is still onward. Several have come out there since the tent left.
J. N. LOUGHBOROUGH.
T. J. BUTLER.
P. S. We expect to pitch our tent this week in Republic, Seneca Co., where we shall continue till the Lovetts' Grove conference, if the Lord will.
J. N. L.
T. J. B.
Meetings in Illinois.
By Joseph Bates
Dear Bro. Smith: The series of evening meetings referred to in our last at Malta Station, Ills., July 28th was much interrupted by the heavy and continued rains, and bad going. Those who came, appeared much interested to hear. The proprietor of the hall, an influential man in the village, who was firmly fixed and settled in the faith of Sunday-keeping, was an attentive hearer at every meeting; and when the Sabbath of the Bible was presented he raised objections against it, and gave his views in favor of the first day of the week for the Rest-day. At the next meeting we reviewed his subject, and gave liberty. He said, I have nothing to say.
At the close of our meetings, and before dismissing, after recommending the Review and our standard works, we also referred to our agreement for the use of the hall; when the gentleman spoke and said, We shall not charge any thing for the hall; you are perfectly welcome to the use of it. He then came to the table and selected the tracts on the Sabbath and Two-horned Beast, to learn further on our position. The next morning (Aug. 3) four were baptized on profession of their faith, and we passed on westward some fifty-five miles to Round Grove. Here we found Bro. Hart, our fellow-laborer in the field, very sick with typhoid fever. Our principal labor here has been with the church. The most of them are making efforts to rise from their lukewarmness, and have a closer walk with God, and be overcomers in this last mighty struggle with the enemies of their Lord.
We also held three successive meetings in the school-house in Delhi, with very attentive congregations, many of whom seemed anxious to know the truth. We should have been glad to continue the work there, but our attention was called another way.
JOSEPH BATES.
Round Grove, Ills., Aug. 17th, 1858.
A Thousand Hopes and Prayers
A thousand hopes, a thousand fears,
A thousand prayers, a thousand tears.
A thousand acts of good untold,
Outweigh five thousand pounds of gold;
A thousand hopes in heaven gain
An interest that ne'er brings pain;
A thousand fears—oh! these will spring
And safety o'er thy treasures fling;
A thousand prayers for good below,
A mine of wealth and peace bestow;
A thousand tears from pity's eyes
Are jewels bright, set in the skies;
A thousand acts of kindness done,
A kingdom great by these are won.—Sel.
General Conference in Ohio.
By John Norton Loughborough; T. J. Butler
A General Conference of Sabbath-keepers in Northern Ohio, will be held (if the Lord will) at Lovett's Grove, Wood Co., Ohio, in the tent, commencing Sabbath, Sept. 18th, at 10 A. M., and continuing over Second-day.
It is hoped there will be a general gathering of brethren and sisters at this meeting. Come, praying the Lord to meet with us at this conference. Bro. and Sr. White are expected to attend.
In behalf of the church.
J. N. LOUGHBOROUGH.
T. J. BUTLER.
Business Items.
By Editor
J. Loughhead:—We find no trace of your letter of June 22d, and conclude we have not received it.
J. A. Wilcox:—The date of the last issue of the Way of Life, was set down in one of our exchanges as July 10th. Therefore we took the liberty to alter your figures.
☞ The P. O. address of Bro. A. S. Hutchins is Allegan, Allegan Co., Mich., for the present.
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By Editor
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FOR REVIEW AND HERALD.
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FOR REVIEW TO POOR.—S. H. Peck $3.
Books for Sale at this Office.
By Editor
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Self Deception
By Editor
The reader will find upon the first page of this paper, an article from Flavel on Self Deception—one of a short series which we propose to present to our readers. We commend them to the careful and serious perusal of all. Are we not, brethren, in peculiar danger as a people on this point? Having a theory straightforward, harmonious, and glowing with the brightest light of inspiration's page, have we not been too apt to consider this the ne plus ultra, to the neglect of christian graces? We may maintain the theory, and at the same time understand, through the ministration of the Holy Spirit, the position our hearts occupy in the sight of the Lord. Sad will be the fate of those who find themselves at last self-deceived. May there be such an application of the true eye-salve to the spiritual vision of the church as she has never before experienced.